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Singapore's extraordinary household

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From left: Jeremy, Mr Yap, Joseph, Mrs Yap and Alyon
From left: Jeremy, Mr Yap, Joseph, Mrs Yap and Alyon
By Abhijit Nag
Taken out of the school system and homeschooled, the Yap boys show what can be achieved with the active involvement of  their extraordinary parents.
 

From left: Jeremy, Mr Yap, Joseph, Mrs Yap and Alyon
From left: Jeremy, Mr Yap, Joseph, Mrs Yap and Alyon

Thinking out of the box is the new normal in their home. Except that they can’t afford to think in clichés. Mathew Yap and his wife, Pew Ying, have chosen the road less travelled in education. They have taken all three sons out of school and homeschooled them for some time.
“Disappointed? No RI!” exclaims Mr. Yap, a Rafflesian from 1971-76, who doesn’t sound unhappy at all that his sons have not attended his alma mater. “It was a rather enriching journey, somewhat of an adventure, makes me a better husband and father I think, ” he adds, musing on their homeschooling experiences.

And it looks like he and his wife took the right course.  Here’s the result.
The boys
Today, eldest son Jeremy is 22 and has graduated with a diploma in new media studies from Republic Polytechnic. He is now doing national service.  Their second son, Joseph, 20, has worked for six months as  a pre-school teacher and will enter national service in November. He got his diploma in early childhood education from Ngee Ann Polytechnic last April. The youngest son Alyon, 16, also wants to go to a polytechnic after his O levels.
Jeremy, by the way, has Asperger’s syndrome, a form of hidden autism.  Alyon’s autistic behaviours are a bit more obvious.

Jeremy was offered exemption from national service by Mindef, but he chose to serve nevertheless.  “It’s an honour to do national service,” he says.
Those were exactly the words his father used on the day they made the decision after a specially-convened medical board review at the Defence Ministry’s CMPB (central manpower base) earlier this year.  Mr. Yap explains he told his son he could opt out of national service, but it would be an honour to serve the nation.
Talking to the Yaps and their homeschooled sons, you see how often they are on the same page.
When Joseph says he wants to do communications and media studies next and is asked why, the swift reply is: “I want to be like my Dad.”  “The fruit doesn’t fall from the tree,” quips Mrs. Yap.
The parents
Mr. Yap, 55,  a former Straits Times journalist in the late 1980s who subsequently worked for Standard Chartered Bank and British Petroleum before setting up his own training consultancy, now also has publication covering Malaysia with focus on Iskandar, the ambitious development project in Johor.
He can be seen in photos with Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, Mr. Goh Chok Tong, Mr. SR Nathan on one wall of the living room in his East Coast condominium.
Mrs. Yap Pew Ying, 52, is a Raffles Girls School alumna who once taught in the gifted education programme in her alma mater but resigned as a teacher after she had her second son. She has not stopped teaching altogether.  She continues to be a relief teacher.
An English teacher, she might seem better qualified than most to homeschool her sons. “But, it was a leap of faith into uncharted territory,” she says. “Those days autism, homeschooling were not words in the public consciousness in Singapore.”
The discovery
To begin with, she did not even know their eldest son had autism. “He had a gift for mimicking people,” she recalls. “He could mimic their speech without even knowing the meaning of the words.”  He also loved to read.  But he could hardly cope with the pressure as the time drew near to sit for the PSLE.  Sometimes he would have to stay up till midnight finishing his maths and Chinese lessons. Naturally, he sought relief. “Sometimes he would hide in the toilet for an hour to read a book,” remembers Mrs. Yap.
There were also problems in school. Sometimes he would be bullied by the other boys and, pushed to the extreme, he would burst out. Finally, at 15, Health Ministry’s psychiatrists confirmed he had Autism-Asperger syndrome.
The school system more than a decade ago did not seem geared for students like Jeremy. Mrs. Yap had no illusions about how he would fare, given that he was particularly weak in Chinese. She could not blame the child. Her husband, a Straits-born Chinese Baba, and she herself, from Malaysia, did not even study Mandarin in their school years in the 1960s and 70s. But, for Jeremy, it was clear if his Chinese did not improve, that would drag down his grades and affect his future.
The solution
And so, Mr. and Mrs. Yap had no choice,  but to figure a way out.  Being a teacher helped a bit in the thinking: Their son did not have to study Chinese to get into a polytechnic, she realized.  All he needed were five O levels. But he had to study Chinese in secondary school.  So she took him out of school and homeschooled him herself.

There was one unforeseen consequence.

“I also don’t want to go to school,” said the second son Joseph. He was perfectly fine, but did not understand why only his brother should be allowed to stay at home. He also wanted to be taught by his mother. “So I ended up teaching both of them, and had to bear in mind that they were two years apart,” she says.
Jeremy and Joseph needed five O levels but, to be safe, she made them take seven subjects, including Bible studies and – her own specialty – English literature. And she did not only teach them herself.  They also enrolled in MDIS College, which prepares students for the O levels.
In hindsight, the Yaps seem to have made the right choices, but at the time they went through a lot of soul-searching, a lot of angst.  Mr. Yap gestures in the air as he recalls sleepless nights, wrestling with heavy, academic and medical books on autism and Asperger’s syndrome. “It was not easy reading,” he says. But he wanted to understand the conditions of his sons so he could help them.
“We were inspired by our friends,” says Mrs Yap, talking about a couple.  Trained teachers, they are “NIE (National Institute of Education) gold medalists”, she adds.  And yet they decided to homeschool their own children.
Not every teacher can take care of children with special needs, says Mrs. Yap. She laughs as she recalls times when she was asked by Jeremy’s and Alyon’s teachers if they would be continuing in school.  They meant well, agree Mr. and Mrs. Yap. The teachers had their sons’ best interests at heart. They needed special care.
But even teachers trained to teach children with special needs can’t handle all of them equally well, says Mrs. Yap. Some are good with children suffering from sensory dysfunction like  Alyon’s odd autistic behavioral  tendencies and obsession about cleanliness, others are better at teaching other children with hyperactive behaviours.
The Yaps have moved house in quest for a better education.  They moved out of their landed house in Kembangan to an apartment in Siglap just because it was only a five-minute walk to Alyon’s Opera Estates Primary School.
Now the family lives in another condo in Katong. “By homeschooling him, I’m giving him time to mature,” says Mrs. Yap about her youngest son Alyon who is being homeschooled now again after two years in MacPherson Secondary School.  Their plan is to let him do a preparatory course for O levels next year or 2015, and later enrol him in a polytechnic.
Faith and scouts
Alyon’s  favourite subjects include geography and biology.  “We are looking at a few private schools for his O levels preparation,” says Mr Yap.  Alyon looks younger than his years and has a tendency to carry on talking about something he liked even when his parents tell him to stop.
He is able to remember “long strings of numbers”, says his mother, adding he also loves trains and cricket. He will get to see both when he goes to England where, with his sharp memory, he will probably get to know the London Underground like the back of his hand. He has already got wind of a London Underground maven who will bring him up to speed. And, yes, he will watch cricket. His parents are taking him to England this month as a treat, having taken the elder sons to Turkey last year.
Mr. Yap, who with his whole family worships at the Bethesda Community Church, laughs when asked if their faith led them to homeschool their sons.  “Some may suspect we are Christian fundamentalists because we homeschooled our sons, but no that’s not why we did it,” he says. “More like by Divine- Mystery-Design than by luxury of normal choices.”

When they were taken out of school, he tried to make sure they continued to mix with others. So he started a scout troop for children like them.  He recalls former president SR Nathan once met them at a function and asked which school they represented. “He was taken aback when I said they were not in school,” he adds with a smile.
No wonder the former president was taken aback. When did you last meet a scout troop of boys and girls who did not go to school?

Yes, the Yaps are unusual.  Mr. Yap, a former NorthEast CDC councilor, does not buy even the standard take on happiness.  Happiness cannot be defined by material success, he says, it varies from person to person.
Mrs. Yap, of course, agrees with him. The English teacher, who regrets the young generation is “ill-read”, made a habit of reading together with her family, sharing books and ideas with them. When a family reads together, all the members stay on the same page.

The wrong road to relevance

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Our Singapore Conversation
Our Singapore Conversation

By Robin Low

Our Singapore Conversation
Our Singapore Conversation

Social media is becoming a mature communication platform everywhere. In the early days, marketers have used social media as another medium to broadcast their messages. People joined social media because it is new, many thought it might be a fad and asked the question “Why do we do social media?” Years later, after 1.5 billion active users use Facebook daily, the question now is “How can I do better?”

Brands are using multiple platforms to engage their stakeholders. Hashtags are being commonly used across platforms. There are great interests in mobile devices and location based apps. These social technology updates today change our behaviors in many things we do. But social media is more than just Facebook, Twitter and using Hashtags, it is being an influencer.

In the age of the search engines, content is king. But in the age of social media, context is king. Amplification of signal is crucial to filter out the noise. The top-down information structure is long overdue and context is the catalyst that shifts focus on relevance. Our networks expand and contract. The pressure of connection is not significant as people today look for meaningful connections, relevant information and deliberate value. In the center of every experience are individuals interacting in the network — people driven information network.

With advancements in communications and technology, organizations may risk losing their relevance if they do not evolve and keep up. Traditional media cannot keep up with the speeds of social media. The era of command and control is over, large organizations and governments do not hold all the information, and in fact, information we get is increasingly social. Large organizations with top down bureaucracies find it hard to keep up with the dynamic challenges, and most often, when they fail to control the medium, they fall back in what they know — censorship.

In Vietnam, there is a contentious legislation that effectively prohibits Vietnamese bloggers and users of social-networking sites from discussing current affairs and sharing online stories. Unfortunately these decrees are becoming more common as countries lay down draconian laws about how their citizens are to interact with the Internet. China too has laws that put bloggers and others who share news to jail if they consider it to be rumours.

In Singapore, the government intends to moderate the online social space. The ministers used the term “noise” to describe the activity on social media, and there is a heavy tone on caution and danger whenever they deal with online discussions. The Online Citizen, an online news portal was gazetted as a political association for covering an alternate views in the General Elections. There were also sedition charges against political cartoonist Leslie Chew; the list goes on.

After losing popularity in the general elections and the by-election, the government started Singapore Conversation, a national conversation initiative planned at getting feedback and understand ground sentiment. However, many people are sceptical about the initiative’s effectiveness to understand the average Singaporeans.

Conversations happen on the Internet with or without the government’s approval. Setting up an official channel to listen to the public is not a good idea to solicit engagement as people engage on their own terms. Forcing communications into approved mediums and moderating views will often result in many people not participating at all. When the other mediums are ignored, many who share their views but are not heard become more apathetic or they begin to complain whenever they get a chance to do so.

With a goal to understand Singaporeans’ priorities, values and preferences, it hard to succeed when a selected group is allowed to participate, as information gathered is likely to be skewed. There will also be a waste of resources when the solutions implemented get a backlash from the public which causes the initiative to end prematurely after much planning and money spent.

The future of organizations is defined through shared experiences. The concept of engagement is simple, but the design of the public experience is complex in reality. Meaningful designs with intend, personalization and incentives to increase value of sharing all form the essence of the shared experiences. The emergence of new media creates new opportunities for engagement. At the heart and soul of the organization, a culture must take shape for it to lure affinity. Engagement in the human network requires a new outlook, a new approach, new model for conveying leadership and empathy. The organization needs to support thriving communities around them and have the infrastructure for the rest of the organization to support this. If the government can understand this, then they can be on their road to relevance.

Robin Low is a young Singaporean living in Boston. He is  the founder of a nanotechnology company in the US.

Why Sundram should not move to Negri

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V. Sundramoorthy
V. Sundramoorthy

By Tony Mariadass

V. Sundramoorthy
V. Sundramoorthy

The stakes are high for Singapore’s V. Sundramoorthy, who is tipped to take charge of Negri Sembilan in the Premier League next season.
The 47-year-old is no stranger to the Malaysian league, having first played for Singapore and then for Kedah (89-90), Pahang (91-92) and Kelantan (94).
So, he will be familiar with the demands and pressures of being a player in the M-League, but as a coach? He must know he will be in the hot seat.
Still, what is puzzling is why Sundramoorthy is moving to Negri Sembilan. The team finished at the bottom of the Super League this season with just one win and seven draws out of 22 matches.
The Deer, as the team are popularly known, were not a weak side this season. Indeed, they had eight new faces, including two imports – Argentinian striker Emanuel De Porras and Cameroon defender William Paul Modibo.
But Portuguese coach Divaldo Alves failed to raise their game and was replaced by assistant Ridzuan Abu Shah midway through the season.
Surprisingly, Negri Sembilan, which qualified for the ongoing Malaysia Cup through a play-off with Sabah in which they won 4-0, are riding high in the competition with two wins, a loss and a draw in four out of six group matches. They won and drew against defending champion Kelantan, beat Terengganu and narrowly lost to Pahang (5-3).
Over the years, Negri Sembilan’s performance has been anything but consistent. A fair number of their coaches have also been replaced. In fact, over the last 20 years, they have had nine coaches, including M. Karathu (94-98), Irfan Bakti Abdu Salim (98-99), Mohd Zaki Sheikh Ahmad (2000-02), K. Devan (03-06), Hatem Souissi (06-07), Wan Jamak Wan Hassan (07-11) and Mohd Azraai Khor Abdullah (11-12).
Now for a bit of history. Negri Sembilan tasted their first Malaysia Cup victory in 1948, ending a 61-year drought, and triumphed again in 2001. They won the Premier League in 1991, the Super League in 2006, the Charity Shield in 2012 and the FA Cup in 2003 and 2013.
Negri Sembilan also finished runners-up in the FA Cup in 1995; the Malaysia Cup in 2000, 2006 and 2010; the Charity Shield in 2004 and 2010, the Premier League in 2005 and the Super League in 2008.
So, the Deer have not exactly been deprived of glory all these years. Sundramoorthy will not have to create any “firsts” for the team.
It is learnt that he has agreed to a two-year contract and double-your-money deal to head the team next season. Though no figure has been disclosed, it could be anything from RM40,000 to RM50,000 a month.
The question is, can Sundramoorthy take the heat of the job?
Besides having to deliver the goods – at least a title in the new season-, he has to take the team back to top level – Super League – and qualify for the Malaysia Cup competition.
This is where all the hidden pressure will come into play: Will he have a free hand in the selection of players? Will he be able to go about his job without any interference from top officials of the state football association? And his biggest battle – can he trust his players?
Over the years, the Deer have been linked to match-fixing or suspected of it. Even the state’s youth team – the President Cup squad – recently faced such accusations. In fact, the coach was charged and jailed, and, along with several of the players, has been banned for life. A prominent bookie from Singapore was also found to be living in the state capital Seremban.
Negri Sembilan FA president Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan, who is also the chief minister of the state, himself has come out to say that he suspects his team of match-fixing this season.
The Negri Sembilan fans will be another major headache for Sundramoorthy for they are very demanding and vocal about it.
No, it is not going to be a bed of roses for Sundramoorthy in Negri Sembilan. All indications are there are more thorns than roses awaiting him.
What seem to be in his favour are the lucrative deal, of course, and the not very long distance between Singapore and Seremban – about three and a half hours by road. He could make regular trips back home.
Otherwise, it is going to be a pressure cooker atmosphere for Sundramoorthy from day one. He will not know which side has its knives drawn out for him.
At the height of his career as a footballer, Sundramoorthy was known as the ‘The Dazzler’ and ‘King Cobra’, but can he waltz his way around the Deer or strike before he is struck? Only time will tell.
Tony Mariadass is a Malaysian sports journalist

No singing and swinging in the rain

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Fairfield Methodist Secondary students clinging to a fence to avoid rising flood waters.
Fairfield Methodist Secondary students clinging to a fence to avoid rising flood waters.

By Bernard Pereira

Fairfield Methodist Secondary students clinging to a fence to avoid rising flood waters.
Fairfield Methodist Secondary students clinging to a fence to avoid rising flood waters.

This picture of students of Fairfield Methodist Scondary clinging to a fence to avoid rising flood waters around their school during heavy rain is truly an image of contrast to the Singapore that we used to live in during the “Roaring Fifties and Sixties”.
It was the time when we were still an underdeveloped town, a part of Malaya and also  the British Empire.
Roads were rickety, with a lot of cracks and potholes, to say the least. And flooding was a nightmare. But it could be a heaven, too, depending on how you interpeted it.
Believe it or not, whenever it rained cats and dogs, we would be ecstatically jumping for joy, rubbing our hands with glee. More so if we were outdoors, playing football or rounders. Or even if heading home after school.
By golly, it would be the best excuse for getting soaking wet – never mind the chills, or the coughs and colds. That came later. We would actually be relishing the rain!
And if it was me and my schoolmates out there, being caught in the downpour – instead of those Fairfield Methodist group – I bet you we wouldn’t have been clinging to the fence. No sirree!
We would have been swimming…. or splashing and frolicking like crazy out there in the rain or floodwater.
Of course, not if there was lightning. Or when we saw a ditch full of rushing water.   For we knew or had seen enough horrors to know our limits.
Bernard Pereira is a former journalist.

The politics of OSC: What next?

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PM Lee Hsien Loong
PM Lee Hsien Loong

By M Palaniyapan

PM Lee Hsien Loong
PM Lee Hsien Loong

Our Singapore Conversation (OSC) wasn’t the government’s first attempt to engage the ground and get feedback. The Feedback Unit was set up in 1985 for the same purpose. It was later revamped as REACH in 2006.
But the OSC was clearly different from these exercises. The intensity of public engagement in the OSC was never seen in the previous initiatives. In a year, about 50,000 Singaporeans took part in numerous face-to-face meetings. The conclusion of the OSC was marked with PM Lee announcing notable policy shifts in health, education and housing issues.
As this year-long exercise wraps up, it is now an opportune moment to reflect on the politics of the OSC: Who were the winners? Who were the losers? Strategically, what went right and what didn’t? And what next?
The poliical dividends for the PAP
THE OSC allowed the government to develop a more thorough picture of Singaporean’s sentiments and in the process address the chasm between party and people.
One explanation for the government’s poor gauge of the public sentiment was its heavy reliance on grassroots volunteers, who disproportionately sided with the PAP. This caused an echo chamber effect where pro-PAP views were amplified and contrary sentiments were drowned out leading to distorted signals to the cabinet.
With the OSC, the government was able to engage deeply with Singaporeans from a diverse range of backgrounds. Participants of OSC sessions included not just staunch PAP supporters but also those from the “silent majority” and strident critics.
The open-ended nature of the sessions enabled participants to share their sentiments openly. Many vented their frustrations, ventilated their concerns and voiced their ideas.
Key concerns which surfaced through the OSC, such as the high cost of living and frenetic pace of life, were affirmed by many — including the government — like in previous feedback sessions. But with the OSC, the government was better able to understand the human dimension of these problems.
In addition, the OSC put the government in a stronger position to shape public discourse. In recent years, public discourse has been largely spilling over to the online world and the overall tone has been borderline-negative. No one entity, can dictate public discourse, but with the OSC the government was in a better position to influence it — holding the magnifying glass on key issues and serving as a conduit for people to air their thoughts.
The OSC — which allowed the executive branch to connect directly with the public rather than through elected representatives — also subtly proved that it was unnecessary for opposition political parties to be in the parliament for alternative views of the public to be reflected to the government. The process of connecting with the ground directly helped fortify the significant policy recalibrations with legitimacy.
What about the opposition?
As the OSC got into full swing and the PAP was clawing back ceded ground, the opposition’s influence was rather limited.
The WP’s strategy of focusing on constituency-specific issues rather than national issues might have been fairly successful in garnering votes. But to apply the same strategy in response to the OSC and remain in the background might not work in its favour.
The PAP made it very clear that some significant policy shifts were to come and the OSC was going to play a critical role in shaping them. Thus it was evident that the OSC was an important plank in PAP’s political strategy. For the opposition to not give a counter-response was the equivalent of walking away from the goalpost as the rival team stepped up to take the penalty shot.
To be clear, it was expected and politically wise of the opposition parties to sit out of the OSC. Taking part in the OSC might have been seen as them playing to PAP’s game.
But opposition parties had other plausible strategic options which they didn’t explore. For instance, the opposition parties could have publicly highlighted the limitations of the OSC such as the lack of proportionate representation among the participants. A parallel process might have also been started and issues identified could have been highlighted in the parliament by WP. All these responses would have enabled the opposition parties to further their case that they are the authentic, alternative voice of the people.
But as Singaporeans engaged in conversation among themselves and with the Government, the opposition was silent; this might prove to be a tactical miscalculation on its part.
Recasting the OSC for the future
Many who took part in the OSC sessions remarked that they would like to see the spirit of active public engagement sustained. Doing so makes political sense for the PAP, too.
Maintaining a direct channel with the public, would complement the government’s efforts to keep in touch with the ground. The citizenry is frothing with strong emotions with regards to numerous national issues. It is unlikely that these sentiments would wither; instead they would be circulating in the online world or in private conversations. Maintaining a direct line with the people affords the government more influence in public discourse. If the government decides to dial down on public engagement, it would make it more prone to vacillating public sentiments.
While the government has been working on keeping touch with the ground through channels such as REACH, these methods haven’t been effective.
The main reason for this is the uncertainty among citizens about whether their feedback would be taken seriously in the policy-making process. The level of the government’s commitment to channels like REACH appears weak. The chairperson of REACH is currently Amy Khor, a senior minister of state, not a full cabinet minister.
Apart from that, REACH hasn’t been engaging either. Most REACH sessions are one off dialogues and development of ideas is limited.
These issues were somewhat addressed in the OSC. With Heng Swee Keat, a Cabinet Minister, helming the initiative and the PM himself laying it out during his widely-watched National Day Rally, the exercise gained significant traction. Also, there was a definite timeline and policy announcements were promised after the exercise was complete; this signalled the importance of citizen’s input in the policy recalibration process.
Also, unlike REACH which heavily relies on its online forums to conduct discussions, in OSC there was greater emphasis on face-to-face discussions which tend to be more engaging.
For revamped methods of engagement to be successful they must demonstrate the government’s commitment and sustain deep levels of engagement.
To this end, community centres could take the lead by organizing monthly discussions on national issues. To avoid the perception that these sessions are just talk sessions, MPs could turn up to show their support. Collating the input from these sessions, the government could address key concerns raised through these sessions in a quarterly fashion.
Conclusion
THE OSC was a quick reaction to the GE 2011 and the souring national mood. It allowed the PAP to gain a sense of the ground and side-step the opposition in going direct to the citizens
It also threw the relevance of grassroots organisations, which were once critical to sensing the public mood, into question.
Engagement of citizens is a work-in-progress. Despite the government’s assurance that the OSC spirit of active consultation would be sustained, there is the more difficult task of convincing the unconvinced that the Lee Hsien Loong government is listening and, more importantly, acting. Maybe the next conversation can be on the sacred cows that need to be re-examined, even culled.
The writer is a young Singaporean passionate about Singapore politics.  
 

Catherine Lim and LKY

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Catherine Lim
Catherine Lim

By Robert Yeo   

Catherine Lim
Catherine Lim

The sentence, Speak Truth to Power, is a Quaker advice and it summed up what Catherine Lim did in a dinner talk she gave at Tanglin Club last month. Indeed, she has been doing that for 17 years, speaking truth to power fearlessly.
Addressing a sell-out audience and referring to her 2011 book (A Watershed Election), she reminded her readers that she criticised the high ministerial salaries, the authoritarian ways of the PAP and the adverse influence of Lee Kuan Yew on the GE campaign. She wrote that nothing would change.
After the election results, the government reduced the ministerial salaries and Lee stepped down from the cabinet. Catherine Lim could not believe what happened. She repeated what she had written: “‘The Lee Kuan Yew era is over.'”
When first asked to speak, she was reluctant as she had just published her book and there was her blog. What made her change her mind was an article published on  April 6 in The Straits Times entitled The Singapore Way: The Way To Go? by American journalist Tom Plate.
Plate’s article was an excerpt from the Afterword of his just-published second edition of Conversations with Lee Kuan Yew.
Plate wrote: “By fax I once asked him to offer some self-criticism. He referred me to Catherine Lim.’
This fine writer, perhaps his most persistently perceptive critic… was Plate’s description of her, and he went on to quote her:
“‘Mr Lee’s legacy is so mixed that at one end of the spectrum of response, there will be adulation, and at the other, undisguised opprobrium and distaste.”
Catherine Lim never doubted the force of her commentaries on Lee but for the first time, he acknowledged  her as a critic to be reckoned with. He had in the past dismissed her as ‘ a novelist… with the capacity for grotesque caricature’. Well, the novelist now felt vindicated.
But she did not gloat. The government had ignored her, The Straits Times had ignored, after publishing her initial articles.  Now, the great man, late in life, a year after leaving politics, a widower, had finally said in print that Catherine Lim was someone who had contributed to his self-criticism.
The significance of  Lee’s admission that Lim was a critic to be counted has escaped most watchers of Singapore’s politics.
Her position as critic
In her talk, she referred to the Prime Minister’s recent National Day rally speech in which he said his government would take care of housing, education and health and create a more inclusive society, but sceptics said that they had heard it before.
She stated that the electorate had become so disillusioned and alienated they were beyond the reach of concilation. The government was facing a “crisis of trust.”
What could it do? She suggested two choices. The first is to go back to the old knuckleduster days of Lee Kuan Yew. The second is to open up Singapore society in a way that has not been seen before. In other words, replace the old, stern top-down approach with a people-friendly, bottom-up one, something that a minister had called the light footprint.                                                  
But she did not think the second option would work. First, it would mean overhauling a mindset.
She used the phrase ” a collective DNA” that made the party constitutionally incapable of change. Second, PAP leaders  have always believed that Singapore was too small and vulnerable and it would always need the strong, paternal hand of the party. Third, it would mean the dismantling of the feared machinery of  the ISA and the defamation suit.
She she could  not see the present PM doing it
What next for the PAP?
First, she said, prepare for the next general election likely in 2016. Second, concentrate on the economy as a long-term strategy. Get the economics right and the rest will take care of itself, as the Prime Minister had said: ” Good policies make good politics.”
But third, the government would still use what she termed “old instruments” to curb critics who overstepped, like the outspoken blogger or the satirical cartoonist. In this sort of behaviour, the government had skilfully created the mixed strategy of blowing hot, blowing cold.
It forced the White Paper on population on the people and then invited them to engage in the great Singapore Conversation. It looked Machiavellian.
She stressed that the scenario just painted was speculative, as is the feeling that the PAP, despite displaying a harmonious whole, may be internally torn and may split up
Finally, she offered this advice to young people who asked her for ways of dealing with the government: “Think through, stand up, speak up and try not to be afraid. But alas, alas, these days I myself am feeling, well, not exactly afraid, but nervous, uneasy. I think I am suffering from what is sometimes called the Quo Vadis syndrome, that is, the anxiety of whither are we going.”
Post-speech answers
After the speech she was peppered with questions. Were you ever afraid? No, she replied unequivocally, ” I speak as a concerned citizen within my democratic rights. I have not taken instructions from anyone, I have no connections with a foreign power, no one can pin anything on me.”
What about your “relationship’, someone asked, with Goh Chok Tong whom you first criticised in 1994. She  wrote an article  called The Great Affective Divide in  September that year and followed it with One Government, Two Styles three months later.
In the second article, she said Goh was under the influence of Lee Kuan Yew.
Goh took exception to that claim and challenged her to enter politics. Her answer: ” I wrote as a responsible person interested in the direction of Singapore’s politics. I don’t have to join a political party to be able to comment on it.
To return finally to her criticism of Lee Kuan Yew, no one can tell exactly the extent her remarks contributed to his self-appraisal. Recents reports of the first Prime Minister evince mixed responses. He has this  year published two new books, The Wit and Wisdom of Lee Kuan Yew and One Man’s View of the World, tomes aimed to assure his legacy.
At the same time, press reports point to a physically frail, old person and on the Net one can see an image of him in  a wheelchair feeding coi in Jurong.
It prompts the comment not often publicly mentioned that Lee is not what he used to be. This feeling is augmented by his poignant remark that when it was his time to go, and this from a person of secular  belief, he hoped to meet Mrs Lee in the hereafter.
Catherine Lim has been speaking truth to power since 1994, when she published her article on Goh. Many are surprised that she has done so with impunity.
But because she speaks as an honest broker beholden only to her conscience and because she is an accomplished writer who knows how far she can go, perhaps no one should be surprised that she has got away with what she did—and is still doing.
Robert Yeo, poet and playwright, is a part-time lecturer at SMU.

Should You Buy the Biggest Flat You Can Get?

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People in hawker centre

Yeah, I know we covered this topic before. But it was before all the big changes we’ve seen, so that old guide’s now as useful as a car manual from the time of The Flintstones. And since some of you have started asking this question again, I thought we’d better do a quick, fresh take:
 

I checked out the hawker centre next door. We’re going to need a bigger flat. And way bigger clothes.

Key Changes in the Wonderful World of HDB

I know the the editorial team’s frowning at this headline. I refuse to change it.
At the rate our media’s celebrating HDB, we’re months away from opening a “Wonderful World of HDB” theme park. You’ll see: “Sudden Subsidy” roller coasters, shooting out the mouths of politicians’ statues, and cafeterias selling Executive Condiments (EC) burgers.
(I call dibs on the ideas and names).
Now some of the celebrated HDB changes, which should impact your decision to get the biggest flat, are:

  • Stepped Up Special Housing Grant
  • De-linking of BTO Flats from Resale Flat Prices
  • The Joint Singles Scheme

1. Stepped Up Special Housing Grant

“But you said: Make sure everyone knows where the forms for middle income applicants are.”

The Special Housing Grant (SHG) is a $20,000 grant for HDB flats. This was previously given to lower income families ($2,250 a month and below), to buy 3-room and 2-room flats.
During the National Day Rally speech however, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced a step-up to the grant. It will now cover 4-room flats as well, and now the Middle Class will qualify. There was a mention of qualifying at a household income of $4,000 or under a month; I’ll update you with the exact figure once I’m sure.
A stepped up SHG might make a 4-room a far more sensible decision than a 3-room. You’ll have the potential for rental income (whether you use it or not), and more room for your family. All without surrendering the $20,000 grant.

2. De-linking of BTO Flats from Resale Flat Prices

Some people out there are still obsessing over capital gains (i.e. they think their flat is an asset, not a home). Which is great justification for certain healthcare ideas. Like subsidised hearing aids.
Your flat is not going to be considered an asset first and home second. I don’t know how much clearer the government can make that message. Hence, new flat prices are now de-linked from resale flat prices.
This is all good news for home buyers; it makes BTO flats more affordable. For them, it’s a sign that they may be able to pick the biggest one. For the investor types, buying the biggest flat no longer translates to the same kind of capital appreciation that it used to.

Wedding coupleLet’s do this because we can share our lives. Because we can grow old together. Because a 4-room has way higher returns.

3. The Joint Singles Scheme

Two single Singapore citizens can now make a joint application for a flat; this is under the Joint Singles Scheme (JSS). The subsidies they both get can be combined. And if they later get married, they get another $15,000 for their flat.
So if you and your partner are mostly sure about settling down, it might not be a bad idea to grab a bigger flat. There’ll be more room for your family, and you know another $15,000 subsidy will be waiting.

Other Related Factors

Some of you will have to use a private bank loan, instead of the HDB concessionary loan. Now don’t be afraid*.
*I mean that literally. Don’t. Like any wild animal, bankers can smell fear, and it sends them into attack mode.
You should, however, be aware that certain macroeconomic factors, and recent government policies, will impact your decision. Those of you intending to use private loans need to consider:

  • Increased Difficulty in Refinancing
  • Rising Interest Rates

1. Increased Difficulty in Refinancing

Refinancing has become more complicated, with the new Total Debt Servicing Ratio (TDSR) framework.
Remember your finances are evaluated every time you want to switch loan packages. And because the new TDSR factors in every single debt, even credit card bills, there’s now greater risk you’ll be unable to refinance.

The word NO on a wallAnd that was how the bank’s appeals department saved on time AND manpower.

So if you want the biggest flat, here’s the question you need to ask: Can you maintain loan repayments, even after the fourth year (that’s usually when your home loan rates shoot up)? Assume you will be unable to change to a cheaper package.
If you’re dependent on switching to cheaper loans, you’re playing chicken with a 16-wheeler. That’s the kind off assumption that later results in a fast, costly sell-off. Think about it before getting, say, a five-room flat or EC.
(PS: If you’re having trouble refinancing right now, try asking the mortgage specialists at SmartLoans.sg. It doesn’t cost you anything!)

2. Rising Interest Rates

This is not a concern with HDB concessionary loans (those home loan rates are fixed at 2.6%).
But interest rates for private bank loans have gone up, with some banks raising the spread by around 0.5% over the past year. American Federal Reserve policies, expected to come soon, might also raise SIBOR and SOR rates. And If I’m speaking Klingon right now, refer to this guide.
In short, if you take a private bank loan, be more careful about the size of the flat. A huge loan quantum can make even small shifts in interest rates quite devastating.

The Conclusion

Circumstances vary for each individual. But in general, people using a HDB loan shouldn’t be afraid to grab the largest flat. The drawbacks seem minimal.
But people using a private bank loan have to be careful they’re not over-leveraged. I don’t think these people will be bankrupted by rate hikes; but it can make their lives more deprived…for a long time.
Would You Buy the Biggest Flat? Comment and Let Us Know!
Image Credits:
jonolist, merick.fightBoredom (thumbnail), dinuks, iamlemonflim, bigpresh, sboneham,
Source: http://www.moneysmart.sg/housing-property/should-you-buy-the-biggest-flat-you-can-get-august-2013/

How Singapore’s Latest HDB Cooling Measures Affect You

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“Hello, what you want? Clothes? Camera? Watch? HDB resale flat?”

Affordable housing is a big ticket issue right now. And when our government tackles a problem, they do it with a uniquely Singaporean slant: That is, the unshakeable conviction that anything worth doing is worth overdoing. Enter the latest HDB Cooling Measures:
“Hello, what you want? Clothes? Camera? Watch? HDB resale flat?”

What are the Latest HDB Cooling Measures?

  • Reduction of the Mortgage Servicing Ratio (MSR) from 35% to 30% for HDB Concessionary Loans
  • Reduction of the maximum loan tenure from 30 to 25 years for HDB flats; and 35 to 30 years for bank loans.
  • 3 year increased wait time for Permanent Residents (PRs)

Here’s a quickie explanation:

1. Reduction of the MSR to 30%

The MSR measures the percentage of your income that would go toward repaying your home loan monthly.
In the past, HDB buyers had a MSR of 35%. So if you had an income of $2,500, your MSR would have been (35% of $2,500) = $875.
That means the maximum allowable repayment on your home loan, every month, would have been $875. The loan amount granted to you will be calculated based on this amount.
With the MSR now lowered to 30%, your maximum allowable repayment (again on a $2,500 income) would be a paltry $750. Which means the loan amount granted to you will be reduced accordingly. Yeah, you may have to shelve those upgrading plans for now.
Incidentally, the MSR for HDB Concessionary Loans are now similar to bank loans: Both are at 30%.
If the new MSR just wrecked your home loan approval, contact SmartLoans.sg for help. The mortgage specialists there can figure something out. It’s free, so long as we keep shoving them stale bread under the cellar door.

“Why, what gives you the idea home buyers are desperate?”

2. Reduction of Maximum Loan Tenure

The maximum loan tenure* is now set to 25 years for HDB Concessionary Loans and 30 years for bank loans.
*The time before a loan is repaid in full
A 30 year loan tenure with a bank loan will however only grant you 60% of the purchase price. If you need the full 80%, the maximum loan tenure you can take is 25 years, which is the same as the HDB Concessionary Loan.
A shorter loan tenure means higher monthly repayments for the same loan amount. Combined with the lower MSR, this means home buyers in general will be borrowing much less.
Follow us on Facebook, and we’ll address how the HDB and bank loans compare under the new ruling.
While that sucks, it does mean fewer Singaporeans will be over-leveraged. This should brace us for potential liquidity crunches, once the Americans change their fiscal policy.

3. Increased Wait Time for PRs

On the plus side, pets aren’t a problem.

This is perhaps the biggest, most significant change. Previously, someone could buy a resale flat as soon as they got their PR status. It was a major contributor to rising resale flat prices, and sudden paranoid xenophobia. Now, a 3-year waiting period has been implemented.
The new restriction means some PRs will now have to rent (unless they can afford other private property). That’s good news for landlords, and for flat owners who have started letting out rooms.
If you have a sizeable 4-room or 5-room, now may be the time to keep an eye on the rental market.

A Message to Property Investors?

After the latest cooling measure, the Loan Applications Department was never the same.

Resale flat prices were already plummeting, even before this cooling measure. Just yesterday (26th August 2013) we heard that zero COV flat sales tripled, from 14 in January to 49 in July.
(A zero CoV sale means the seller was only paid the actual valuation of the flat).
The new cooling measure makes it worse. Expect the resale market to contract, like a well salted slug, because PRs made up a significant part of the market. Now the new arrivals won’t be able to buy for three years, even if they had the cash.
The message to property developers is clear:
HDB flats are for housing first, and investment second.
The government isn’t going to temper its policies to cushion investors, so don’t count on resale flats prices hitting the dizzying heights they did a few years back.
How do you think these cooling measures will affect the property landscape in Singapore? Leave us a comment here!
Image Credits:
Oldandsolo, jaqian, Balaji Dutt, cubmundo
Source: http://www.moneysmart.sg/housing-property/how-singapores-latest-hdb-cooling-measures-affect-you/

The Rudd awakening

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By P Francis
LiberalPartyContract
News
DESPITE fine spring weather across most of Australia on Friday, a tsunami of primary votes against the Labor Party caused a landslide in favour of Tony Abbott’s Liberals. To date, no reports were received of any deaths or serious injuries after the calamity.
Seriously, PM Kevin Rudd has been shown the door nationally, but in his own electorate of Griffith he scraped through by the skin of his teeth on Green preferences against Dr Bill Glasson, the former head of the Australian Medical Association and an ophthalmologist.
Labor’s implosion has helped the runaway victory of PM Elect Abbott, who gave a 10-minute acceptance speech that was humbling, short and sharp. After thanking all involved, he said: “And I can inform you that the Australian Labor Party vote is at the lowest level in more than 100 years…From today, I declare that Australia is under new management and that Australia is once again open for new business. I give you all this assurance – we will not let you down. I pledge myself to the service of our country.”
Gillard and Rudd
Rudd must have seen the disaster coming around the corner and pulled out all stops in a fragile attempt to turn back the high tide of discontent in several opinion polls. But he was not the Moses, who parted the Red Sea, and the waves kept coming! Instead of being the saviour, after throwing overboard his usurper – former PM Julia Gillard – Rudd was like a drowning man clutching at a straw. The ditched Gillard, probably, would have been sipping a cool chardonnay with a smirk, in her new multi-million dollar house in Adelaide, as she watched the predictable election results unfold on TV. She did tweet her congratulations to the new PM, and commiserations to Labor: “Congrats to Mr Abbott & Mr Truss for leading their parties to victory. I wish them & their teams well. It’s always an honour to serve. JG”
Certainly, Rudd did not fiddle – like Nero did as Rome burned to the ground – as the faction-ridden Labor Party began to crumble. The only fiddling Rudd did was with the Opposition’s budget plans and statements, which some would say bordered on ‘white’ lies. Instead, now the ‘white’ ants have come home to roost within the Labor Party amid soul searching and chest thumping.
Who’s next opposition leader?
Yes, D-Day has come and gone, and Rudd has left the building – it is the end of the Rudd. The question being asked is “Who wants to lead the Labor Party now in Opposition?” Possible candidates are deputy leader Anthony Albanese, MP Jenny Macklin, treasurer Chris Bowen, and former union boss Bill Shorten, who is Governor General Quentin Bryce’s son-in-law. Ironically, Rudd’s own newly-introduced party leader voting rules will include Labor’s rank and file, which will delay the selection process – and Rudd, even if he wants to stay on, has to re-nominate, too! But in his concession speech, an unusually happy Rudd seemed in high spirits as though he had won. As he rambled on, he said he would not contest the Labor leadership so as to allow Labor a fresh start. Then he took a heavily-criticised unwarranted dig at his opponent: “It would be un-prime ministerial of me to say Bill Glasson eat your heart out, so I won’t.”
Will Rudd stay on in parliament or quit soon for a by-election? The grapevine has it that if he quits, Rudd will see UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon for a position to strut on the world stage, which is what he likes to do. Or even take over as secretary-general at the organisation some have dubbed ‘the toothless tiger’. However, that is all conjecture even though there is no smoke without fire.
What happened to Labor?
What happened to the ruling Labor Party is a candid lesson to any government in any part of the world of what not to do to stir up the ire of the people who vote. It all started with a fairytale – once upon a time there was a PM Rudd, who was replaced by his trusted deputy under dubious circumstances. However, Rudd relentlessly ‘rocked’ his government in an attempt to exact revenge on his successor Gillard. His ambition to be a ‘recycled’ PM eventually came true, but there was no living happily ever after. Instead, a nightmare unfolded during the election campaign as more and more voters saw through “his blatant lies and negative personal attacks on rival politicians”. On the eve of the election, Rudd said Abbott would privatise Medicare – that caused confusion to voters who did not check the logic of it.
Commenting on the election, treasurer Bowen admitted: “This result was because of the Labor party disunity.” But former Liberal PM John Howard pulled no punches when he declared: “Abbott did a splendid job. A very unstable and incompetent government was wasting people’s money and deserved to be thrown out. You can trust Tony Abbott, he will look after you and he can be trusted with your money.”
Remember, the people have spoken – never take the electorate for granted – after considering other ‘hidden’ factors, which do not include the ‘staples’  such as the economy, jobs, health, pensions and illegal immigration with the help of people smugglers.
Hidden’ factors
The  ‘hidden’ factors, which slowly built up to trigger the huge backlash against the Labor federal government, included the divided factions within Labor causing ‘musical chairs’ for the position of Prime Minister – the highest position in the land. Divisions were also caused by Gillard in her ‘misogynist’ attacks on Abbott as a woman hater. Employers were pitted against workers (backed by Labor’s union supporters). A mini-riot was narrowly avoided when Aborigines were told an untruth by a Labor staffer about Abbott’s views. Then there was Labor’s unhappy relationship with the media – especially Rupert Murdoch’s newspapers – and the attempt by the government to muzzle the press by the introduction of laws to ‘censor’ media and others whose political opinions may offend certain groups, cultural or otherwise.
Smear campaigns did not go down well with voters, too, as Labor targeted their rivals – again starting with Abbott, labelling him a thug and a bully.  Add to this the multiple lies of Rudd about border protection and drowning at sea; Budget deficits and savings; drop in taxes paid; alleging the Coalition (Liberals/Nationals) had a ‘black hole’ in funding of their policy and planned A$90 million of cuts. Certainly nobody can be fooled all the time and voters do not like being treated as idiots especially by a politician! But, that was not all. There were broken promises, such as by Gillard on not having a carbon tax, a reduction in the number of poker machines and a Budget surplus that never was.
Rudd’s ‘wrong’ calls
Former Labor PM Bob Hawke claimed that Rudd should have called for a much earlier election after he had ousted Gillard – to take advantage of the ‘honeymoon’ period. Hawke conceded defeat on the polling day eve and told Sky News: “In my judgment it was a mistake that he didn’t go much earlier. If he’d gone pretty soon after he got the change of leadership and opened with a campaign like that, I think it might have been a different story.”Hawke also admitted that the leadership battle had affected their support and Labor made a mistake of underestimating Abbott. “Tony has historically been capable of some awful gaffes … but he’s shown considerable discipline in this campaign.” He also said Labor’s attempt to discredit the cost of the Coalition policy was “embarrassing” for Labor when the heads of Treasury and the Finance Department rejected Labor’s statement on Coalition costings.
Prominent businessman Roger Corbett, who is a Reserve Bank of Australia board member and chairman of Fairfax Media agreed in part with Hawke on Rudd’s downfall. Corbett told ABC TV: “He’s a man that really has done the Labor Party enormous damage, destabilised it…I think it would have been much better that they’d come undone with Julia Gillard leading them than Kevin Rudd.”
Then there was Rudd jumping on the gay bandwagon to win votes from homosexuals and lesbians by supporting them to marry legally. Bert Mahoney, a Catholic and member of the Knights of the Southern Cross, who lives in Boxhill in Victoria, said: “Although Rudd is a Christian, he alienated many – religious or not – who believe that marriage is a sacred institution strictly between a man and a woman, and that sodomy was unnatural sex and unacceptable. “
Even ‘parachuting’ in former Queensland premier Peter Beattie did not help in the Labor heartland of Forde in Queensland.  Beattie lost to Bert van Manen and blamed the poor overall performance of Labor to disunity in Labor over leadership, which was responsible for the party’s woes. Former Labor leader Simon Crean agreed: “You have to change the leadership style, not the leaders.”
Labor’s faulty election mechanism was shown up again when it featured New Zealander Paulla Millar on a Rudd pamphlet urging readers to vote for him and saying what a great bloke he is. Millar had been photographed by junior staff when she visited Rudd’s electorate office to complain she could not vote in the election because she was not allowed to be a citizen despite living in Australia.
Abbott’s agenda
Meanwhile, the Liberal Party stuck to their game plan for the election campaign and refused to be cajoled into releasing their budget and expenditure costings too early “to be mauled by Labor and the media”. They waited until 72 hours before the election – an improvement on Labor at the previous election where they avoided scrutiny by showing their costings only at 5pm on the eve of the election. The Liberals even went as far as to mail out ‘Our Contract With Australia’ cards which stated: 1 A stronger, diversified economy; 2 Carbon tax gone; 3 End the waste and debt; 4 Build modern roads and improve services; 5 Stop the boats with proven policies; 6 Two million new jobs within a decade.
The determined Abbott has stated in the run-up to the polls that, if elected, within the first 100 days in office he will ensure that the Liberals will “conduct ministerial visits to Indonesia, Sri Lanka, Nauru and PNG (Papua New Guinea) to discuss operational matters under Operation Sovereign Borders”, which is all about border protection against illegal ‘boat people’ arrivals.
Just three days before the polls, AFP reported: Australian election frontrunner Tony Abbott on Wednesday vowed Asia will be his main foreign policy focus if he assumes office, as an influential media group turned on incumbent Prime Minister Kevin Rudd. The conservative Abbott, whose diplomatic credentials came under fire this week after he said the Syria conflict was “baddies versus baddies”, is on track to win Saturday’s poll. His first travel priorities would be Indonesia, China, Japan and South Korea, he said in an interview with the Sydney Morning Herald, the flagship paper of Fairfax Media whose chairman Wednesday declared his support for the conservative. “Only after our regional and trading partners have been suitably attended to would I make the traditional trips to Washington and London,” Abbott said, adding that “in the end your focus has got to be on the relationships that need the most attention”. “Decisions which impact on our national interests will be made in Jakarta, in Beijing, in Tokyo, in Seoul, as much as they will be made in Washington.”
Former leader of the New South Wales Parliamentary Liberal Party Kerry Chikarovski revealed to ABC TV what kind of man Abbot is. She said he would be a great PM, he has strong convictions, is clear and has a very good team for the front bench. “The best politicians know what they are not good at and employ people to do what they cannot. Abbott will have to re-establish the credibility and trust in politicians.”
On a lighter note, Australia’s SBS reported 10 days before the election that Liberal MP John Alexander of Bennelong had a rather novel way to campaign. When asked by comedian Michael Hing how he communicated with his diverse community, the former tennis star said: “We have a program, table tennis in schools. We started that because we could see there were too many students – Korean and Chinese students – who were being left out of what you would call ‘traditional’ Australian sport. At no stage was I thinking ‘Oh this is going to win a vote ’I thought it was really a great thing to do and it really made my job fulfilling.” Call it ping pong diplomacy with the Asian community if you must! For the record, Alexander cruised home comfortably against Jason Yat Sen Li.
An old friend in Singapore emailed me last week – after reading of the Aussie elections on TISG – asking: “How many election rallies are being held and how many did you attend?”  My reply was that there were none like in Singapore at Geylang Serai , Jalan Eunos or other venues. Instead, the main two political party leaders had three debates on TV, while advertisements on TV and the internet, in newspapers and fliers dropped into letter boxes were the modus operandi. Early voting and postal votes also helped ease the crowd on polling day.
So what will the morning after be like for Abbott? “I will probably go for an early morning bike ride with the guys I’ve been riding with for years for an hour or so. Then it will be basically into the office,” the regular swimmer, runner and cyclist told Melbourne radio station3AW.
As the dust settles on the election, life returns to normal – but with a new man at the helm of the Good Ship Australia. The course it navigates as it repels the swarms of ‘boat people’ heading to the Land of Plenty will indicate whether Abbott will rule with an iron fist or a velvet glove come hell or high water.  Countries in Asia, too, will have a chance to see the new ‘Wizard of Oz’ as he travels to meet his counterparts in the region and forge closer ties in trade, investment and security matters.
P. Francis is an English tutor in Melbourne, who has more than 20 years’ journalism experience with newspapers, books and magazines in Singapore and Australia.

Singapore: Cool and Uncool

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By Augustine Low
SinglishEveryone has an idea of what’s cool about Singapore and what isn’t.
I’ll have a go at making my top two picks of each.
Cool
Singlish: Love it or hate it, Singlish is here to stay so we might as well embrace it as cool and colourful.
To some, Singlish proudly displays the multi-cultural character of our society; to others, it is a colloquialism that makes them squirm
How not to like Singlish? It is fun, quirky and energetic. It is cobbled together from various influences including English, Malay, Tamil and dialects such as Hokkien, Teochew and Cantonese.
Our government may sometimes frown on Singlish, but Singaporeans have quietly grown accustomed to it. There is no evidence that Singlish has led to the decline of English in Singapore. And besides, we have the annual Speak Good English Movement as a reality check.
Come what may, we do it our way: Ban chewing gum and be the butt of jokes and ridicule? No problem. Tired of neighbour’s threats on water? Try and try until we convert wastewater into NEWater.
Think also of all manner of schemes – from car use and car ownership to housing, health, wage credit and baby bonus.
Where there’s a will there’s a way – the Singapore way.
It’s a curious mix of resilience, resourcefulness and inventiveness. Sounds simple, but hard to replicate.
On that  chewing gum ban again – there’s now available in the market the non-stick kind which disperses easily (Google “biodegradable chewing gum”).
Maybe Singapore could consider lifting the ban – and having the last laugh. That would be cool.
Not Cool
Casino for an Icon: Other cities may have an opera house, a giant clock and a statue, but Singapore has Marina Bay Sands as its iconic landmark.
I have a photographer friend who has amassed an extensive collection of images of the Singapore buildings and landmarks. He tells me that – hands-down – the MBS shots are his bestsellers. They are purchased by local and foreign publications, news agencies, travel agencies and Singapore Tourism Board.
I knew the fate of MBS was sealed when real estate agents started jumping on the bandwagon. The clincher that’s calculated to woo any prospective buyer: “You can see MBS from here!”
Unless something more spectacular comes along, the money is on the casino to remain Singapore’s most distinctive icon.
Chope-chope: Chope-ing (Singlish for ‘reserving’) at food courts and hawker centres always puts me in a dilemma.
Here I am, food tray in hand, and I spy so many seats around, but each is choped by a tissue pack. Every so often, I’ve thought of removing the offending pack and taking the seat. Only to pull back, at the thought I could be accused of being ungracious, ungentlemanly.
I’ve also thought of joining in the act, but that would be so uncool. Besides, I don’t carry tissue packs, I use old-school handkerchiefs.
If I may chope with the Chief of National Campaigns: Should there be another new campaign, let it be the Anti-Chope-ing Campaign.
Augustine Low is a communications strategist. He is always cool about coming home to Changi Airport.