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The Best Selling Car Brands For 2013 in Singapore Will Shock You

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Thanks to MAS car loan restrictions (restriction is too kind of a word, I think strangulation describes it much better) and COE prices rising to ridiculous levels (Certificate FOR the “entitled” more like it), it’s no wonder car sales have dropped by almost 40%! But just having a look at our list, you’d be forgiven for thinking people have no problems at all getting a car:
With the cost of buying a car rising as fast as Chinese military spending, it’s no wonder many buyers chose to stick with public transport. But don’t be alarmed – cars are still being sold by the thousands, especially cars from certain brands that should surprise you. Interestingly, the top 3 brands command close to 40% of total car sales this year. Where on earth do people find the money to buy them??
Even these Hollywood stars can’t believe how much cars cost in Singapore. You have to watch this:
Vin Diesel really knows what the moral of the story is.
Here are Singapore’s top 3 selling car brands in 2013 according to LTA as of November 2013 (here’s a clue, German companies completely DOMINATED the list):

1. Mercedes-Benz

Unless BMW manages to sell 500 vehicles by the end of the month, the company with the inverted “peace symbol” as its logo will be the best selling car brand for 2013. The news is surprising, but expected considering that those who can afford high-end luxury cars will buy them regardless of MAS restrictions or high COE costs.
And with around 17% of households in Singapore being millionaire households, it’s not surprising that many high-income car buyers would opt for the popular E-Class instead of say… a Suzuki Swift. Hell, I would!
In 2013, Mercedes-Benz vehicles accounted for 17.2% of all cars sold in Singapore.
Cars Sold – 3,506
Price Range – $155,000-$1,000,000

2. BMW

Last year’s winner, BMW, joins its German brother Mercedes-Benz on the list, missing first place by only a few hundred cars. While there aren’t any statistics showing which models sold the most in 2013, it’s a good bet that one of BMW’s most popular models worldwide, the 5-Series ($220,000K-$275,000K), was a trendy choice.
Unlike the luxury brand Mercedes-Benz, BMW’s appeals to upper middle-class individuals wanting the benefits of German-engineered vehicular perfection without having to paying more than $250,000 for it… only in Singapore.
In 2013, BMW vehicles accounted for about 16.2% of all cars sold in Singapore.
Cars Sold – 3,295
Price Range – $165,000-$500,000+

3. Toyota (Includes Lexus)

Finally, an ASIAN company on the list! The world’s top-selling car maker, Toyota, (along with its luxury division Lexus) made the top 3 for 2013. Unlike the German manufacturers above, Toyota offers many “economical” models for sale – if you call paying $120,000 for a car “economical”… only in Singapore.
But Toyota isn’t ALL about economy, as the heart attack inducing price tag of the Lexus LS 460 makes clear, at $500,000+.
But with German car makers dominating the luxury car market the same way SingTel dominates…well, pretty much our entire lives, it’s likely that much of Toyota’s sales were made from “economical” car models sold to middle-class buyers – at least those who managed to squeak by the latest MAS regulations anyway.
In 2013, Toyota vehicles accounted for about 14.9% of all cars sold in Singapore.
Cars Sold – 3,037
Price Range – $118,000-$650,000+
Important Note: All price ranges taken from 2013 models shown on Oneshift.com.

What Does it all Mean?

You’d figure that with rising car costs, “economical” car brands such as Kia, Nissan, or Perodua would be higher on the list. But with the exception of Toyota, most of the cars sold by the top 3 fit the “luxury” category.
Is there a silver lining to be found in all of this?
Yes!
If you’re a middle-class individual looking to buy a car, you must either stick with the car you currently own, or continue to top up your EZ-Link card for another year. I guess MAS really did a good job of discouraging more prospective drivers from buying cars in 2013 – especially those in the middle- and lower-middle income bracket.
Final Note: If you’re lucky (or unlucky?) enough to own a car, you should always do whatever you can to maximize your savings on this costly purchase. You can do this by reducing expensive fuel costs, and we show you how to do this, and visiting Smartinsurance.sg to get an insurance policy that offers the same great protection at the best price possible.
Are you surprised by this year’s car sale statistics? Share them with us on Facebook! And to find even more useful information on everything personal finance, visit MoneySmart today!
Image Credits:
David Villarreal Fernández
Source: http://www.moneysmart.sg/money-talks/the-best-selling-car-brands-for-2013-in-singapore-will-shock-you/

Workshop on Foreign Workers, Justice & Fairness.

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Strikes, alcohol, riots! What’s life for foreign workers really like? Are they exploited? Are the NGOs self-serving and over-dramatic? Do we know enough to make a judgment? Join us to explore the issues
MARUAH, in partnership with TWC2 and Workfair Singapore, is holding a workshop on Foreign Workers, Justice & Fairness.
MARUAH and our partners believe that in the wake of the riot at Little India, we as a society need to fully understand what happened that evening and that the underlying causes of the incident are identified and addressed in a fair and just manner.
EVENT DETAILS
Date : 23 December 2013, Monday
Time : 7.00pm to 9.00pm
Venue : Ananda Bhavan Function Hall
95, Syed Alwi Road
Singapore – 207671
(Opposite Mustafa Center)
 Venue : Marketing Institute of Singapore, 410 North Bridge Road 
Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/events/349239298550358
Registration : http://goo.gl/esvFB1
 

Underpaid, overworked and…

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By Elias Tan
Singaporeans are, especially those in low-paying sectors, “grossly underpaid”. With these words economist and former boss of the National Wages Council Professor Lim Chong Yah sparked off a debate some time ago.
And now there is a lot of talk going on in online forums about Singapore’s economic growth not necessarily translating into higher wages.
An online survey conducted by JobsCentral found that two-thirds of Singaporeans say that their workload has increased. Of this number, 83 per cent said that they are stressed, while 60 per cent said they stay in their office for at least an hour longer three times a week.
In an interview with XinMsn in 2012, Ms Michelle Lim, Chief Operating Officer of JobsCentral Group, said: “Singapore’s workplace environment is a tough and demanding one.
Workers place career as one of the top priorities in their lives and often make personal sacrifices for job advancement.
“On the other hand, employers faced with increasing manpower cost embark on an unending quest for higher productivity. It is not surprising that our workers are feeling more stressed and are working longer hours,” adds Ms Lim.
It looks like labour chief Lim Swee Say’s notoriously misplaced slogan — Cheaper, Better, Faster — has finally made a point that he didn’t intend to make in describing the plight of most Singaporean workers.
Could it be that our ‘kiasu’ and ‘kiasee’ culture has a part to play in suppressing overall wages as Singaporean workers have already been working very hard, even pulling all stops just to earn brownie points for promotions and/or salary increments? Or that the influx of white-collar foreign workers and labourers, coupled with the high cost of living, has gradually depressed wages?
Whatever it might be, Singaporeans are definitely overworked and underpaid; even though the country’s GDP has gone up and up, workers’ salaries have stubbornly remained stagnant. And in the light of the rising cost of living, the average salary of a Singaporean worker – S $4,500 – is not enough to feed a family of, say, four. Not forgetting taxes, utility bills, grocery bills, conservancy charges and more. It seems like there is no end to paying and paying.
Needless to say, this is one issue that should have been addressed eons ago.
The question is: Why hasn’t the Ministry of Manpower found an equitable solution?

Sports broadcasting: A fuzzy picture

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By Michael Y.P. Ang
Under Vision 2030, the Government’s blueprint for sports development, a major target is to raise sports spectatorship and viewership to drive corporate sponsorship.
The SEA Games offer the perfect platform to promote Singapore’s athletes to a nationwide TV audience and whet Singaporeans’ appetite for supporting Team Singapore at sports arenas.
The Government has called on the private sector to support sports development. However, its own sports agency, the Singapore Sports Council (SSC), seems unwilling to make the first move in showing potential sponsors that a major sport like basketball is worth supporting.
Basketball is unique in Singapore because it is the only sport with a professional team (Singapore Slingers), which is essentially the national team enhanced by a few foreign players, participating in an international league competition (ASEAN Basketball League).
(The LionsXII is an age-group team, strengthened by a few national players, competing in the domestic league of another country.)
Of the eight Singaporeans employed by the Slingers, seven are in the 12-man SEA Games squad. The Slingers coach is also Singapore’s national coach.
On Monday, MediaCorp responded to a viewer’s complaint about inadequate SEA Games coverage, published in both The Straits Times andTODAY.
MediaCorp says “Pending live feed from the host nation, we will also telecast the events where Team Singapore reaches the semi-finals and finals.”
Following MediaCorp’s response, the viewer (Robin Chee) posted a comment on todayonline.com using his Facebook account: “Ok. Can safely give up on this nation now. If you are a real sports fan.”
Are MediaCorp’s programming executives aware that there are no semi-finals or finals in men’s and women’s basketball, which run on a round-robin basis? The team that wins the most games takes the gold, and so on.
The Singapore men’s team won a medal for the first time in 34 years, clinching the bronze partly because it beat Malaysia. The 71-67 victory was Singapore’s first over its Causeway neighbours since 1979!
While Singapore’s cagers had done the nation proud, the same can hardly be said of our national broadcaster or national sports-promotion body.
Even if Singapore had not won a medal, it would still have been a fabulous opportunity to promote basketball spectatorship which, very disappointingly, had gone to waste.
MediaCorp had taken its eyes off the ball. The question now is: did the SSC also drop the ball on this?
If SSC’s Strategic Development & Marketing Group, which works on sports broadcast development and the marketing of Team Singapore athletes, did not advise MediaCorp on this opportunity prior to the Games, why not?
Is broadcasting Singapore’s six basketball matches live once every two years (the SEA Games is held biennially) really too much for MediaCorp to handle?
The Straits Times’ misleading report
On a slightly brighter note, many Singaporeans have been enjoying a free sports channel, launched on Oct 10, that offers more programming on Singapore sport.
The free channel is part of a three-year collaboration between the SSC and StarHub. Both parties issued a media release on Oct 8 that specifically says the new channel reaches almost all Singapore households.
The free channel is blacked out from households that are not wired to receive StarHub’s cable signal.
Why is the SSC using taxpayers’ money on a venture from which thousands of Singaporeans, if not more, are excluded?
Perhaps more disturbing is The Straits Times’ Oct 9 report that the free channel is “available to all Singapore households on 76.25MHz”. The same misleading report is still available on asiaone.com.

What is the fate of that bus driver?

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By Augustine Low

We still know nothing about the culpability of one man in the Litle India riot – the driver who ran over the migrant worker. But we already know about the culpability of the 300 Little India rioters.

The facts are staggering. In just over a week, the authorities have decided with seemingly pinpoint precision: 28 “active participants” to be charged in court with rioting, 53 to be deported and banned from entering Singapore, and 200 to be given advisories to obey the law, with no further action to be taken.

The swiftness of the investigation and the assignment of degrees of culpability is astonishing. More than 4,000 workers had to be interviewed by over 500 police officers. Considering that Singapore has not seen a riot in over 40 years, the machinery kicked into action was super-efficient.

The message to everyone out there is clear: Do not mess with us. Obey the law and stay out of trouble. What makes it such an awesome feat is the sheer number of people involved, not just rioters but onlookers, plus the fact that many speak only a smattering of it. So the police officers either had to speak Tamil/Hindi or had the help of an army of interpreters.

We cannot fault the urgency to act swiftly. But the authorities must leave no room for error and misjudgement. Remember, those deported go home in disgrace and may be condemned to a life of debt because most of them borrowed heavily to come here. Their families will suffer greatly.

Let’s compare the swiftness and decisiveness of the Singpore action to the British riots of 2011 which swept across a few cities. One year after the riots, it was reported that investigators were still checking surveillance footage to identify rioters, and there were people who were charged only after many months.

Recall too the example of plastic surgeon Woffles Wu whose case regarding abetment in speeding offences only came to a conclusion after more than six years. Yes, it took that long to convict one man for speeding offences, and it may take months before we know about the culpability of the bus driver in the Little India riot.

But the fate of 300 migrant workers have been decided in little more than a week. What about that of the bus driver?.

 

The tragedy of Thailand

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By Tom Plate
 
LOS ANGELES – A country of beauty is in danger of turning into a beast. The Kingdom of Thailand, the land of the smiling people, the gorgeous countryside and a storied history as the once-upon-a-time Siam, now has a severe case of the political uglies. This Constitutional democracy, anchored by a long-running monarchy, is in danger of heading down a fascist path.
 
For America, the proper question is what if any is our place and role in the unfolding tragedy – what can America appropriately do to help?
 
To be sure, it would be illegitimate for the US government to intrude in any way into the politics of Thailand.  Washington must accept any government that’s a legitimate and Constitutional one.
 
But the many thousands of angry protestors in Bangkok, the capital city where the anti-government movement is boiling, are not marching for democracy but in effect for an end to it. They are furious with the present government of Yingluck Shinawatra, the prime minister representing the party elected in 2011. In effect, it is their position that the majority of Thais – many from the country’s sprawling rural regions – are not sufficiently educated to make decisions about the country’s governance and future direction. They would thus end the system of universal suffrage in place since 1933 and substitute an elitist, authoritarian system.
 
For her part, PM Yingluck has dissolved parliament and offered the electorate another chance early next year to make its national will known. Vote us out if you wish, she challenges: And it is precisely because it is likely that her party will win yet another mandate that the ominous cloud of further violence and possible coup continue to hover. To this, the U.S. position should be clear and firm. In view of the fact that no clause or article in the Thai Constitution authorizes the option of coup or assassination, America opposes violent or unconstitutional change and supports the Yingluck government until such time as the Thai electorate has otherwise spoken – but only through constitutional means.
 
The evil, noxious and revolting threat now in the air over Yingluck is deplorable. It threatens to undermine Thailand’s credibility in the world and its key role in Southeast Asia, where even Myanmar has been making strides toward more representative government. The violent threats and salacious slurs being hurled against PM Yingluck and family (which have no merit and deserve no space in any civilized discussion or debate) have tended toward the malevolently misogynist.
 
Yingluck is the chosen leader of the dominant political party in Thailand founded by, among others, her older brother Thaksin Shinawatra. It has never lost an election and Thaksin himself was ejected as PM in 2006 not via a recall election or any other civilized or constitutional method but by military coup to which, as far as anyone can tell, neither the King nor the Queen lifted a royal finger to discourage.
 
In the current crisis, the patented Yingluck style has been to respond to the anti-government street demonstrations in Bangkok with her quiet aplomb and patient willingness to engage all parties and discuss all issues. But the implacable opposition, revolving around the oddly named Democratic Party, will have none of that, and the PM has executed a graceful exit to meet and greet the party’s vast array of supporters and well-wishers in the populous, poorer northeast of the county, where her party is overwhelming popular, and where perhaps half the populace lives. This is a shameful way to treat an elected prime minister –man or woman.
 
There is no mystery about the vitriol toward her brother Thaksin, to be sure. He may be a modern political mastermind and dominant political-party guru that seemingly cannot lose a nationwide election. But he has made very many enemies of the numerous Thai insiders he has outfoxed over the years, in part due to a sometimes-arrogant, headstrong style that he has come to recognize in himself and greatly regret as counter-productive. But he has publicly accepted, as far back as 2010, in his first substantive public interviews, that his days as a Thai office-holder are history and that no further office would ever be sought.
 
Not surprisingly, however, this is not enough for the anti-Thaksin opposition, which views him as, in effect, the shadow PM, as he refuses to end his role (but perhaps understandably) as Yingluck’s older and always-full-of-advice brother. Thus, the violent vitriol gets thrown at Yingluck, whose style of government has been anything but arrogant and whose personal ways have been above reproach.
 
Tragically, the current march of hatred by rightwing Black Shirt groups seems reminiscent of European-style, Mussolini-like fascist groups, foaming at the mouth and through their media with sickening spurts of misogyny, sexism and worse. Thailand – beautiful country that she is – must reject this darkness and embrace the enlightenment of accepting and including all citizens of all backgrounds into the continuing and vital process of framing its future.
 
One-person, one-vote democracy may or may not be the best of all possible systems; but it is the one indicated by the Thai Constitution, and the one deserving the respect and support of all decent Thais.  This, too, should be the position of the American people and its government.
 
Tom Plate is the author of the Giants of Asia series, of which Conversations with Thaksin (2011) was the third in the quartet. 

This China Wall Has Holes

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By Tan Bah Bah

Forget, for the time being, all the flap over air defence identification zones.  Two developments involving the Internet are taking place in the Middle Kingdom which bear watching.

 

The current size of the Chinese Internet is staggering. There are almost 600 million Internet users in China, more than in any other country in the world (the next highest is the United States, with 254 million), according to a recent TODAY Online story.

 

Among Chinese Internet users, 78.5 per cent of them access the Web using their mobile devices (compared to 63 per cent in the US). Chinese Web users are also more engaged than Americans are. In 2011, Chinese people spent more time on the Internet than they did watching TV, while in the US that crossover is predicted to happen only this year.

 

More than 75 per cent of Chinese people regularly contribute content online, while less than a quarter of Americans do. And it is likely that users in China will spend more money on e-commerce this year than Americans will, said TODAY Online.

 

Before the forces of democracy and open society throw their hats up into =the air to celebrate the true integration of China into the modern =world, they might want to note this other darker development.

 

The Chinese government has declared victory in cleaning up what it considers rumours, negativity and unruliness from online discourse, the =Associated Press reported.

 

Beijing launched the “anti-flies” campaign mid-year. =It arrested dozens of people for spreading rumours, created new penalties for people who post libellous information and called in the =country’s top bloggers for not so friendly chitchats about maintaining social order.

 

“If we should describe the online environment in the past as good mingling with the bad, the sky of cyberspace has cleared up now,” the AP reported Ren Xianliang, Vice Minister of the State Internet Information Office, as saying.

Indeed, a study by the Internet opinion monitoring service under the party-owned People’s Daily showed that the number of posts by a sample of 100 opinion leaders declined by 25 per cent and were overtaken by posts from government microblogs.

 

And here is something that sounds familiar: “The positive force on the Internet has preliminarily taken back the microphone and the positive energy has overwhelmed the negative,” said Zhu Hua, the monitoring service’s general secretary.

 

All this is in addition to the Golden Shield (also known as Great =Firewall of China). That project, started in 1998, aimed to block content by preventing IP addresses from being routed through and =consisted of standard firewalls and proxy servers at the Internet gateways.

 

The experience of China is important for us in Singapore. Here, the government is working itself unnecessarily into a corner over whether to attempt some sort of control over Internet usage, beyond what existing laws can already deal with for libel, law and order, vandalism, religion and so on.

 

Even Beijing, with all its paranoia about losing its grip on power, knows it cannot totally  interfere with what goes on in the Web. All it can do is make it difficult for what it deems as undesirable websites or blogs to function in China. It will selectively target certain individuals or groups and make an example of them to discourage other dissenters.

A popular microblogger, Charles Xue, an investor who writes under the name Xue Manzi, was arrested in August, accused of having sex with a prostitute. He has been paraded on television, looking contrite in prison clothes.  Xue became an Internet celebrity for his investing tips and commentary on social issues, including child trafficking and the plight of the underprivileged.

 

Beyond such targeting, it is really a cat and mouse game, with an incredible amount of effort needed to keep tabs. The state employs two million people to monitor Web activity.

 

The truth is that the Internet cannot be muzzled. State control or no state control, when members of the public are confronted with incompetence, they will use the Web to its fullest extent to vent their anger. The Guangdong floods in August saw an open outpouring of =frustrations with the poor relief efforts. No one was afraid of state punishment.

 

Finally, there is Google itself.  In November, Eric Schmidt, Google’s executive chairman, was quoted as saying during a speech in Washington: “We can end government censorship in a decade. The solution to government surveillance is to encrypt everything.”

Who else should own the newspaper brand?

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By Raju Narisetti
Any American editor will proudly tell you that the newsroom — and especially The Editor — is the sole custodian of the news(paper) brand, the true keeper of what the masthead is really meant to represent.
And if you ask anyone on the business side at most American publishing houses — especially in the advertising/sales department — you will likely hear a grudging acknowledgment of this odd reality, an admission that the newsroom does have the final, veto-proof say on the vast majority of issues involving the use of the brand.
There is a good reason for this unchallenged, even if incongruous, reality. For decades, when newspaper ad departments were essentially order-takers, simply “booking” ads and incoming revenue, all that a news brand — such as The Wall Street Journal or The New York Times or The Washington Post — stood for, was entirely the journalism, which until very recently was merely the physical newspaper. There was little need to “extend” the brand, to find new ways to use the masthead’s name — and more critically, the news brand’s relationship to customers — to generate other revenue. Over time, the editor and the newsroom’s grip on what the brand is, what it should be and also what it couldn’t be, became embedded in the very foundation of the Church and State demarcation. A fait accompli, if you will.
Just how has this “newsroom owning the brand” manifested itself in most mainstream American newsrooms? In 2013 alone, we saw:

  • High profile, creative journalism experiences mostly run ad-free, with highly engaging acts of digital storytelling actually generating negative revenue for publishers (because even normal ads on the website were deliberately “designed out,” essentially turned off on these pages, instead of accommodating new kinds of sponsorships/ads).
  • Conversations about how a publisher’s advertising team and their non-news content-creators can engage and work with deep-pocketed brands wanting to become storytellers have stalled over some genuine and largely unproven newsroom fears that sponsored content/native advertising will be the ruin of their news brand.
  • Media critics, usually former editors/reporters who don’t have the burden of funding a newsroom — continue to feel rather well qualified, as de facto guardians of the news brand, to use their bully pulpits to publicly challenge any and all brand extensions, be it events, a themed cruise or any branded, paid-for service, including even the mere existence of shopping on news web sites.
  • Newsrooms and editors blithely citing “reader perception” issues, often without any actual and measurable evidence, to stonewall transparent and user-friendly ecommerce hyperlinks or, heaven forbid, serving contextual product ads.
  • Paywalls are owned by circulation when it comes to generating paying customers for journalism, yet newsrooms continue to insist on owning critical content levers that can be used by circulation to help drive conversion of “drive-by” audiences into paying audiences.

Now, wishfully, let us fast forward into 2014.
If publishers are to build sustainable business models through a combination of advertising dollars, reader revenue, and smart adjacent businesses, then one of the biggest stumbling blocks will be this prevailing, meek public acceptance of the newsroom’s primary ownership of the brand by those in product, advertising, circulation, marketing, public relations, and indeed by many publishers.
Just because a news “brand” was almost never leveraged for anything other than journalism for decades doesn’t entitle a newsroom to its veto-proof card, especially when such power currently comes without real accountability to help sustain the brand, not just the brand’s perceived reputation but also its financial health.
Don’t get me wrong. The complaints that editors — and many journalists — express, often mostly in private, about their “business” side — they don’t read or understand the product; they can’t seem to sell what news does well but always want something new; they only care about closing an ad buy and not about readers — aren’t entirely made up, even if they are way overdone.
But for the news brand to succeed and a publishing house to find sustainable business models for journalism (usually the single largest expense for a publisher), the brand has to be co-owned: by those who create journalism, those who can turn that journalism into a product, those who try and monetize that product, and those who support and promote that entire package. Editors, by virtue of their critical role as maestros of journalism, will always be first among equals in any publishing house that values honest, independent journalism. Still, the privileged status a newsroom enjoys ought to come with accountability and a responsibility to help sustain both journalism and the business of journalism.
For 2014, here are six specific suggestions for publishers to help loosen the newsroom’s default chokehold on the news brand, and try to more formally connect daily acts of journalism to the long-term business of funding that journalism:

  • If the newsroom cites potential reader “confusion” or “perception” as the reason to simply not do something that doesn’t seem like it will hurt the news brand, ask for evidence. Chances are most journalists/editors haven’t actually talked to many readers, if any at all, recently, and are not beyond projecting their own confusion/perceptions on to readers. Sure, there is a good place for personal skepticism to inform decision-making, but that can longer be a substitute for actual reader feedback.
  • Create formal reader-survey processes and A-B testing mechanisms that everyone — including the newsroom — agree, in advance, will be used to help settle merely subjective disagreements on issues related to redesign, fonts, modules, and, especially, the use of labels. (Native advertising, anyone?)
  • Since editors are prone to talking the mobile and digital talk but not necessarily walking that talk, ask key newsroom staffers to take on specific goals aimed at getting more people to consume more journalism, especially on mobile. For instance, first mapping and then tracking the mismatch between audience peaks and intra-day story publishing patterns on web/mobile.
  • The editor — or the designated liaison between newsroom standards and advertising — should always be able to turn down ads, especially when obstructive (and annoying) ads are being pitched as innovative ads. But ask then if the newsroom standards team will also agree to take on the goal of actually approving at least five new ad campaigns in a year — especially ad templates that are truly innovative and can engage readers and appeal to advertisers.
  • Offer to create an ad innovations team made up of representatives from news, product, technology, ad operations, and ad sales. The team is charged with coming up with new ad formats that first meet the newsroom’s approval and are then taken to clients. Ask the editor or an influential newsroom nominee to head up this team. This structure can also help deal with the unwillingness of some newsrooms to even share, ahead of time, the broad topic that a new reader experience, such as those spawned by The New York Times’ Snow Fall, is going to be used for, therefore making sure the ad department can’t really monetize it fully.
  • For publishers with paywalls, if the newsroom’s homepage team wants complete control over what stories are set free or moved behind a paywall, they must then agree to take on joint goals around conversion (moving visitors to readers to paying subscribers) with the circulation department.

Nothing can be worse for a news brand than no longer being able to afford to pay for and publish what actually created an enduring brand. Constricting revenue sources and opportunities without actual evidence of negative brand impact has been a self-inflicted problem stemming from newsroom brand ownership that is not shared by key stakeholders. When it comes to digital, there is a collective amnesia, which goes against our industry’s experience, about how journalism and advertising, when designed to work well together, works best for our customers — audiences and advertisers alike. The revenue generating departments of a news brand, which have either become complacent or diffident in a digital world where potential clients have endless alternatives to the often single news brands being pitched, can’t use their lack of brand ownership as the excuse to not innovate on behalf of the news brand.
Publishers have simply been too afraid to hold newsrooms accountable for their lack of cooperation around both creating and integrating innovative revenue-generating opportunities for the very news brand that everyone actually has a vested interest in preserving.
Here is hoping that in 2014, the news industry will find a good answer to this long-ignored question of who should own the news brand.

Raju Narisetti is senior vice president for strategy at News Corp. He wrote this article for the Nieman News Lab.

Dr Koh on his Punggol East defeat

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By Elias Tan
Finally, the defeated PAP candidate in the Punggol East by-elections has given one of the reasons why he lost.  Colorectal surgeon Koh Poh Koon — who has no problem calling himself the “arsehole doctor” — diagnosed his defeat this way: being parachuted into a constituency that was quite foreign to him.
That can be interpreted as the grassroots people there not giving him the 100 per cent support he needed. It says something about the protective nature of  local politics here and the disconnect between the PAP headquarters and the people on the ground.
Of course, there were other factors:
First, Koh is a newcomer. Being a new entrant in politics is never easy, let alone standing in a single seat constituency.
He is also new to the residents of Punggol-East. He barely knew anyone within the constituency and had just about a few days to get to know the residents.
Compare him to his opponent Lee Li Lian, who has been with the Workers’ Party for close to eight years and has been helping out in Punggol-East  even before the 2011 General Elections.
Second, he made a couple of corny gaffes during his media interviews and campaign speeches. He claimed to be the “Son of Punggol” — he lived in the area when the area was a kampung — and that “everyone has a car”. Angry Singaporeans considered Koh’s last remark as being elitist and against the common people who cannot afford a four-wheel drive.
One year after the elections, Koh seems to have got over the defeat, even with a little bit of humour. He called himself the “arsehole doctor” in a newspaper interview. Sometime in October, he starred in a cheeky video about colorectal cancer which received mixed reactions online.
[fvplayer src=”http://youtube.com/watch?v=QdiEHece2ek”]
Third, the residents felt that Dr Koh is overqualified to be their parliamentary representative. Few are specialist doctors and colorectal surgeons in Singapore and Dr Koh belongs to that minority group of elites. Given his social and economic status,  it was not that easy for him to put himself in the shoes of the layman and empathise with them.”
The PAP has also morphed into a party of elites and the electorate are beginning to reject high-flyers. Coupled with the widening income gap and rising cost of living, Punggol-East residents were  not convinced that Koh was the right fit.
But Koh is not giving up. He has been doing his rounds every week, talking to residents  and distributing food to the needy. He has helped to expand the number of spaces for a PAP Community Foundation centre for pre-schoolers. He also has a plan to “win hearts” before then next elections.
He has also launched a voucher initiative for needy residents to help them tide over challenging times, which is possibly part of his campaign strategy.
By the next General Election, Koh will no longer be a stranger to the residents in Punggol-East and a newcomer in politics.
The Opposition’s MP for the area, Lee Li Lian, seems to be preparing herself for the challenge. “I’m focused on my constituency work and serving the residents as I’ve been elected,”  she told The Independent Singapore.
When asked whether the Workers’ Party distributes food to the needy, Lee said: “Yes, we do food distribution during the festive seasons and on and off during Meet-the-Peoples sessions when needy families come to us.
“We’ve taken a break because of the school holidays as a number of our volunteers are parents and would like to spend time with their family during this period.”
The Workers’ Party also do twice a week door-to-door house visits. “It’s a very important part of our outreach [programme] to our constituents. We kick-started the programme in May this year, going door-to-door every once a week during weekday evenings before increasing our frequency to two times a week.”  Says Lee.

Why The Fight For Minimum Wage in Singapore is Pointless

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The minimum wage is an issue that just won’t die in Singapore, even though MPs have “killed” the issue on numerous occasions by raving about how great Workfare is for low-income workers. Unfortunately for them, the minimum wage seems to be the Freddy Krueger of social issues – it just won’t die.
 
Why is that?
It’s partially because politicians haven’t done a very good job of explaining why our current system is so superior to the minimum wage models used by most other nations. And it’s also because many people don’t know too much about the minimum wage to begin with, or if they do, it’s only one side of the argument.

What Is the Minimum Wage?

In short, the minimum wage is a law stating the lowest possible amount an employer can legally pay an employee, whether it’s on an hourly, daily or monthly basis. In theory, it’s also supposed to prevent employers from turning the workplace into a gulag/sweatshop full of underpaid workers by punishing them with fines and prison time if they break the minimum wage law.
The idea behind the minimum wage was to create a system that reduced worker exploitation by establishing a “minimum” wage that allowed workers to afford life’s necessities (food, housing, clothing, etc.) without having to work beyond the standard work week.
What’s interesting is that even in countries without a minimum wage law (Finland, Austria, Denmark, etc.) it’s still possible to get an “informal minimum wage” for workers in certain industries. How? Because of a little thing called “collective bargaining,” where unions negotiate with employers and even strike for minimum wage.
Note: About striking for your rights in Singapore, unless you’re looking get first hand prison experience for a prison-themed drama you want to pitch to Channel 5, read the Trade Unions/Trade Disputes Acts.

What Are the Arguments For a Minimum Wage?

Proponents of a minimum wage in Singapore believe that it’s the only way to protect workers at the lowest end of the labor spectrum – those making $1,000 or less every month. This includes cleaners, retail staff, food and beverage (F&B) workers, construction workers, airport baggage handlers, etc.
Those in favor of the minimum wage also argue that the market exploits the lowest-wage earners, who no matter how productive they are will not see their wages raised because market forces only affect certain jobs/industries.
For example, we can look at the wages of hawker center cleaners, although one employee might perform much better than another, there’s no guarantee that he/she will be paid better.
Here are the three of the most common arguments for a minimum wage:

  • Reduces Worker Exploitation: Proponents believe that with a minimum wage, employers who blatantly exploit the labor of the most vulnerable of workers (the elderly, young adults, women, and foreign workers) will think twice with fines and jail time as penalties.
  • Reduces Reliance on Foreign Workers: Proponents believe that if you raise the minimum wage of low-income workers (such as foreign construction workers), it will tighten the salary difference between foreign and local workers – making it more difficult for employers to rely heavily on foreign employees.
  • Boosts Worker Productivity/Morale: Proponents believe that increasing the pay of workers making low hourly wages ($3.50-$5.00+) not only improves the ability of workers to afford life’s necessities – it improves their productivity and morale as well.

What Are the Arguments Against a Minimum Wage?

Opponents of a minimum wage in Singapore believe that it’s actually more harmful than helpful to low-income workers because it’s not based on employee performance, but a government-determined value that doesn’t take into account an employee’s productivity.
Those against it also argue that paying everyone a set minimum does a disservice to workers who earn more per hour because they do more, and that pay should always be determined by both the market and work performance.
Here are the three of the most common arguments against a minimum wage:

  • Increases Inflation: Opponents believe once you raise the hourly pay of employees, it will cause employers to raise the cost of their goods and services to make up for the additional overhead expenses – increasing inflation.
  • Increases Unemployment/Decreases Demand for Employees: Opponents believe that if employers are forced to hire employees at a higher hourly wage, they will freeze hiring and reduce their number of existing workers to maintain their profit margins in order to stay competitive – increasing unemployment and decreasing demand for employees.
  • Decreases the Competitiveness of Domestic Goods: Opponents believe that if a minimum wage drives up the cost of locally produced goods, it will be foreign competitors who can undersell their goods an edge in the market – decreasing the competitiveness of domestic goods.

Does Singapore Need a Minimum Wage?

That’s a question that will still be fought over well into the future without any real resolution until voters either clamor for it or National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) members request it unanimously. But the odds of that happening are about as likely as the President inviting me to the Istana for a cup of tea. It ain’t happening!
Some argue that Singapore already has a minimum wage in the form of Workfare, an income/CPF supplement for Singaporeans earning less than $1,900 a month. Depending on your age and income, you can receive up to $3,500 additional each year (40% in cash, 60% in CPF contributions).
This can technically be considered a minimum wage of sorts, but let’s say you’re 35 years old and qualify for the maximum yearly allowance of $1,400. Most of that amount will go towards your CPF (60%=$840) with the remainder being disbursed monthly (40%=$560) – or an additional $46.66 a month.
But to qualify for Workfare, you need to be at least 35, so this isn’t really a universal “minimum wage” because it excludes one group of low-income earners – adults aged 18-35 who work low-paying jobs. And next to our elderly workers, are the most in need of wage assistance.
If Singapore adopts a minimum wage, the 18-35 group might be the one that has the greatest impact on the hourly/monthly wage set – as a wage increase that is too high has been shown to increase unemployment of that group in particular. There are plenty of developments happening on the employment front, so make sure you follow us on Facebook as we keep you up to date on new developments
Do you think Singapore needs a minimum wage system? Share your views with us on here!
Image Credits:
CT Senate Democrats
Source: http://www.moneysmart.sg/money-talks/why-the-fight-for-minimum-wage-in-singapore-is-pointless/