Monday, April 28, 2025
27 C
Singapore
Home Blog Page 5229

Prime Minister Lee’s National Day Message 2013

Amidst economic and political stresses, an emphasis on unity and inclusiveness

LHLMost Singaporeans viewing the Prime Minister’s National Day message, released on 8 August, would find some notes that resonated with their concerns. The message struck a cautious balance between egalitarianism versus self-reliance, between celebrating Singapore’s successes versus recalibrating the policies of the past.

The message began with a stock-take of the government’s progress in easing the infrastructure bottlenecks for which the Prime Minister had taken responsibility in his statements at the IPS Conference in January.  “We have cleared the queue for HDB flats, stabilised BTO prices and tightened up on property speculation and excessive borrowing,” PM Lee said. “We have added more buses and increased the number of bus routes…We will add more trains to the existing lines.”

In a reference to the Population White Paper debate in February, PM Lee reiterated what he saw as the difficult trade-off between the economic need for foreign labour versus the need to manage over-crowding and preserve the core Singaporean identity.

His comments reinforced the view that the government would stick to the course it outlined in February, of recalibrating but not radically decreasing the import of foreign labour. “So we are feeling our way forward carefully, conscious both of our needs and our limits, and seeking the best outcome for Singaporeans.”

When speaking of the challenges facing Singapore, the Prime Minister, interestingly, emphasized in equal measure external and internal challenges. Past messages have tended to emphasize global economic conditions, underlining how Singapore is a “price-taker” in the world economy. The current global economic environment does hold its fair share of dangers.

However in his 2013 message PM Lee gave equal attention to internal challenges arising from an aging population. He spoke candidly about the interests of different groups.  “Different groups in society now have more diverse and even conflicting interests. Older Singaporeans worry about healthcare and costs of living. Younger ones aspire to wider education opportunities and more affordable homes.”

More familiar was the Prime Minister’s reference to how foreigners frequently turned to Singapore for best practice models in governance – a recurring theme in government speeches. PM Lee went one step further and argued how “our strong Singapore brand” benefitted all citizens – by allowing workers to command a premium in wages, for example.

The single biggest theme in the message was perhaps the need for unity amidst internal tensions and external dangers.

The Prime Minister dwelt on the importance of Our Singapore Conversation (OSC) – launched at the PM’s National Day Rally speech in 2012 and now gradually drawing to a close.

He described how the OSC was helping the government to “adapt our basic approach to nation building.” Underlining what Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam had referred to in an interview earlier in 2013 as a left-ward shift in the Cabinet, PM Lee’s message boldly stated: “We must strike a new balance between the roles of the individual, the community and the State.” His speech explored different manifestations of this theme – from strengthening social safety nets and containing living costs to fostering social mobility and embracing different definitions of success.

While striking a familiar note that Singaporeans needed to “strengthen our sense of community” through charity, volunteerism and self-organization, PM Lee stated: “The Government will also play a bigger role to build a fair and just society.”

While the Prime Minister touched on the importance of individual effort and responsibility, the overall emphasis appeared to be on the need for changes in the traditional social contract.

Towards the end of the speech, PM Lee exhorted Singaporeans to stay united, echoing the call made by Minister for Education (and leader of the OSC process) Heng Swee Keat a day earlier, that there needed to be trust between the government and the people.

“At the same time, all this is only possible if we are one united people, and not divided by race, social class, or political faction. We must always have able, honest and committed leaders, who can be trusted to serve Singaporeans. ..That is the way to build a better Singapore – together.”

The reference to undesirable divisions “by political faction” might invite concerns from some quarters that this reflects a perceived move by the government to respond more robustly to its critics and control the terms of debate – from curbs on internet media and letters of demand sent to bloggers, to more robust criticism of the Opposition in Parliament.

However the Prime Minister’s message seemed to recognize that unity was a two-way street that depended on “able, honest and committed leaders” as well as a recalibration of the traditional social contract.

The Prime Minister’s 2013 message, at the end of the day, was mainly about Singapore and Singaporeans – how, in a changing society with diverse perspectives, the path to unity would make demands on everyone.

Confessions of an editor

By P N Balji
Editor, The Independent Singapore

A reluctant editor, I have been called a newsroom chameleon and now find myself a digital virgin.

The transformation is not by design, but by accident.

I have spent 35 years in the print media, am a father of two daughters and grandfather to two little boys… and now a virgin?

I may have been promiscuous in print, having worked for several newspapers (The Malay Mail, The New Nation, The Straits Times, The New Paper and Today), but I am a newbie in new media.

What prompted me to take the plunge? Because grizzled newspapermen, unlike old soldiers, nowadays don’t fade away; they turn into “newsosaurs” – dinosaurs with printer’s ink in their blood.

They continue to want to have their say on cyberspace, or what some call the Wild, Wild Web. Not that you will see anything wild on this website because The Independent Singapore will be governed by its three ideological pillars — responsible, intelligent, robust.
Sure, we are the new kid on the block, some may even call us Johnny-come-lately, but there’s a time for everything – and now is the time for The Independent Singapore.

We are kind of dazzled to have the spotlight thrown on us even before our launch. You must have read or heard of the statement issued by the Media Development Authority saying that “the Government has received specific information which gives us cause for concern over foreign interest to fund The Independent.”

Our shareholders’ agreement, reached three months before the statement was issued, expressly prohibits foreign funding. The board and core team behind The Independent consists of Singaporeans.

We hope this assurance is enough and believe the matter will end there.

We are gratified, of course, by the interest shown, with many Singaporeans and former Singaporeans writing to us from as far afield as Australia, Britain and America. Some of their articles appear here.

Even more satisfying are the calls from friends and well wishers showing support, with one even saying: “I want to put in some money, not much,into your project.”

I did not expect anything like this when I got my first newspaper job, as a reporter for The Malay Mail on April Fool’s Day, 1970.
My parents, especially my father who was a poet and a writer, were thrilled. I started on a salary of $250 plus a transport allowance of $60 a month. That pay slip is still in my file with my letter of appointment signed by the former President of Singapore and at that time the editorial manager of Straits Times Press.

Subsequently, I moved up the ranks at The New Nation and The Straits Times, got married, bought a house, had children.

The New Paper

And then, as I said at the start of this article, I became a reluctant editor. I still remember the day in 1990. Peter Lim, then chief editor of The New Paper, wanted me, his deputy, to take over.

I balked at the responsibility. The New Paper was only two years old. It was a burdensome job, I thought, which would require me to spend long hours away from my family, tending a literally new paper.

Also, a couple of years before that I had a medical scare which needed me to seek treatment for a heart ailment. I asked my wife, Uma, to decide.

It was not an easy decision. She thought long and hard for three days before she said: yes, take the job.

Now playing with my four-year-old grandson, I am reminded of those early days as editor of The New Paper. It was like bringing up a child. It was still finding its feet, taking uncertain steps, getting its bearings in a sometimes censorious world.
The original New Paper with its bite-sized stories was dismissed as a fluffy little rag by Singaporeans accustomed to the heavy-reading Straits Times.

Changes had to be made. The stories got longer but continued to be told like stories. The language remained crisp, the style informal, as if the reporters and columnists were not giving news and views but talking to the readers, sharing insights and other information. The reader-friendly stories with arresting headlines and eye-catching graphics went down like chilled beer in a heat wave. Circulation soared past 100,000 copies a day.

We did make mistakes. In a horrendous and embarrassing error in 1996, The New Paper reported that former deputy minister Toh Chin Chye, driving a pick-up, had been involved in a hit-and-run accident. The real culprit turned out to be a much younger man with the same name.
It is still painful to recall the unfortunate incident and its grave repercussions. The acting editor and the news editor were demoted and, with a heavy heart, I had to let the reporter go.
He was young, talented, famous for his scoops, but the news is a harsh business; journalists have to pay for their mistakes.

It took a while but the newsroom managed to get over the shame of that mistake and the pain of losing one of its good reporters.
There were momentous events (like the Gulf War) and the 1991 General Elections (when the PAP lost four seats) to cover.

It was heady, stimulating, but ultimately the thrill was disappearing. By the end of the ‘90s, I was feeling jaded, looking for a change.

I approached Cheong Yip Seng, then editor-in-chief of the English and Malay Division of Singapore Press Holdings (SPH), and asked to be sent as a correspondent to India. But he wanted me to stay on at The New Paper.

Today

That was when the call came from a headhunter. MediaCorp was looking for someone to launch a newspaper. I could not say no. I could be daddy again! Bring another newspaper to life.

Some called me a traitor for leaving SPH. But this was making history. For the first time in decades, a newspaper was being launched that did not belong to SPH. The monopoly was about to be broken with competition introduced in the newspaper business.

There were sceptics who wondered if I was the right man for the job, thinking any brain-child of mine would be another New Paper.
But I knew a New Paper double would not work. Since Today was a free paper (the SPH publications till today refer to it derogatively as a freesheet); its only revenue stream was from advertising. And a downmarket paper would not attract the kind of advertising dollars to make it successful.

The readers had to be offered something different.

Today was different. It did not tell stories like The New Paper did, was not crowded with infographics. It told the news straight, like a pithier version of The Straits Times. What made it different was the way it mixed reporting and analysis, especially in the main front-page story. When readers are pressed for time, they should be told what’s happening and what it means in the same story, I think.

Three years later, in 2003, with my contract expiring I decided it was time to take a break as CEO of MediaCorp Press and editor in chief of Today.

Soon after I left Today, SPH acquired a stake in the newspaper in 2004. So there’s no more competition in the print media. But I was recalled by MediaCorp and had to oversee Today again from … November 2006 till October 2008 when I finally left the conglomerate.

The Independent

I have been writing online off and on for some time now, but the seeds for The Independent were sown only sometime in February this year – at Yakun Kaya in Junction 8. I was having coffee when I met Kumaran Pillai, an IT businessman and former editor in chief of The Online Citizen. One thing led to another. He introduced me to Alfred Dodwell, a lawyer, and Leon Perera, the CEO of an international research and consulting agency.

It was amazing how we all saw the same vacuum in the media landscape waiting to be tapped and occupied.
It is a middle ground which offers the best vantage point for an independent analysis.
With an over-responsible mainstream on the side and the over-critical online media on the other, we felt the timing was perfect for a news website like The Independent Singapore.
We chose August 9 to launch this offering. It is the 48th year of the birth of our nation. Singapore has come a long way, yet many fear for the future.

We are progressive in many ways, yet are old-fashioned or over the top in our discourse. We are an economic miracle, yet the spoils are not reaching every body.

We have many think tanks, yet the thinking is not happening.

The Independent Singapore wants to analyse all these and other issues as the country looks forward to the next 48 years.

We want to put the think back in the tank. And we want to do it in a responsible, intelligent and robust way. With the skill and sharpness of a journalist’s pen…or should I say the keyboard?

Chasing the economy's tail

By Charles Tan
There’s something special about anniversaries.  They mark an event of significance, such as a birth, death or union; but they are not simply a commemoration of the passage of time, rather, they are an opportunity for reflection and renewal.  And so, with National Day upon us yet again, I feel it is appropriate to pay tribute to our little red dot, in the language to which I am most accustomed: economics.
In the 48 years since independence, Singapore’s economy has experienced an almost 40-fold expansion (inflation adjusted) – a remarkable feat that has few parallels in history.  Our success is due to a combination of luck, hard work and most importantly, foresight and planning, and therefore, rather than rest on our laurels (as is often all too tempting), we need to be thinking ahead to identify the potential threats and opportunities that Singapore should watch out for.
Cynics such as Nobel laureate Paul Krugman will criticise Singapore’s economic miracle as being nothing more than one driven by a sharp increase in the population, higher workforce participation rates, and inflated by significant inflows of foreign capital.  The attempt to trivialise our achievements may seem offensive at first, but the man has a point. Singapore’s total factor productivity (TFP) growth over the years has been very low, and so while our economic progress is undeniable, it would seem that this is because we are working harder, rather than smarter.
To frame the argument in another way, our workers are diligent, highly educated and therefore, easily trained to adopt new technology, but in order for Singapore to continue growing, we need to be designing and inventing these groundbreaking advancements and not just importing them.  This is because there is a physical limit to how many more hours one can put in at the office, how much more of the potential workforce we can mobilise or how big a population (including immigrant workers) our tiny island can support.  There are also diminishing returns to capital investment; for example, the first computer an employee receives may make him much more productive, but a second one would not have nearly the same impact as the first.  The statistics illustrate these issues perfectly, but I suspect the majority of readers will already be convinced: far too many of us spend more time in the office than we do with our loved ones, too many kids are being brought up by their maids rather than their parents (who are both working), and the commute to work each morning is a reminder that our infrastructure is straining under the stress of a burgeoning population.
To be fair, the government has acknowledged that low productivity growth is a problem and has dedicated significant resources to address it.  However, while the policymakers speak passionately about their desire to tackle the issue, none of the proposed solutions strike me as being particularly inspired (or indeed helpful).  This is because their efforts focus too much on areas such as continuing education, re-training and qualifications, which, as explained earlier, are not issues that Singapore has – our workforce is already widely recognised as being among the most hardworking, highly skilled and adaptable in the world.  Therefore, subsidising these activities does not change our productivity materially; it simply puts money back into the pockets of business owners by giving away things they would have paid for anyway (as my mum, a recently retired HR manager will attest), or worse still, it fritters the money away on unnecessary training that adds little value to the company.  Unfortunately, however, ours is a society cursed by the axiom “what gets measured, gets done” and I believe this is the reason the government has adopted the policies they have to date – not so much because they  are effective, but because the results can be quantified.


This needs to change.  Learning from the past and looking ahead to the future, my one key observation is how technology’s forces of creative destruction consistently erode our entrenched comparative advantages, and how we must therefore continually evolve to gain new ones.  Technological advances such as high-speed mobile internet, cheap computing power and smartphone proliferation today mean that information asymmetries are being eliminated; this does not bode well for an economy such as Singapore’s, which still relies too heavily on middleman-type business (perhaps a consequence of our roots in entrepot trade).  More and more customers around the globe, whether retail or wholesale, are buying direct from suppliers thanks to websites such as amazon.com or alibaba.com, and margins are shrinking for the middlemen still in business because prices can be so easily compared with the touch of a button.
In my view, the global economy of the future will continue moving in this direction because the history of mankind has been characterised by a relentless drive toward greater efficiency.  Advanced telecoms infrastructure and the ubiquity of the internet have enabled services to be delivered across geographic boundaries and time zones, equalising the global market price for such services and bringing into question the need to pay a significant premium for staff physically situated in developed (i.e. more expensive) countries – as the case of the US developer who outsourced his job to China, and was caught earlier this year, illustrates succinctly.  It is no longer sufficient that Singaporeans are skilled number crunchers or IT programmers, because these tasks can be easily and cheaply outsourced to India, China and much of the Eastern Bloc, where workers are equally highly educated, trained and qualified.  Looking even further out, our fortuitous status as a shipping and transport hub may also be under threat with the promise of new transport technologies currently being developed in the US; NASA have recently unveiled a prototype helium airship that would, in time, bring air cargo rates closer in line with the shipping industry’s, and billionaire entrepreneur Elon Musk has floated the idea of establishing a ‘hyperloop’ system which would enable high-speed travel of passengers and cargo between major cities and slash journey times.
I think it is therefore safe to say that the Singapore of the present must change radically, and fairly quickly, if it is to stay relevant in the global economy of the future.  Policies need to focus on driving productivity through the promotion of intangible aspects such as creativity and innovation rather than rote education and training – we need to be inventing the technologies of the future instead of simply learning how to use them, and we should be designing the clothes and buildings of the future instead of simply wearing and living in them – that is where the value-added lies.  However, in order to attract and retain the critical mass of talent and intellectual capital necessary to achieve these productivity gains, we need to be more than just another tax haven with a safe, family-friendly environment.  To build a truly great city along the lines of a New York, London or (dare I say) Hong Kong, we need to be even more free and open than we already are now, by which I mean both at the economic level (e.g. interest rates, capital markets) and at the societal level (e.g. acceptance for homosexuality, alternative lifestyles).
In my opinion, a large part of the reason for Singapore’s lack of productivity gains stems from the fact that interest rates are artificially suppressed.  The low cost of capital sets a shorter hurdle for businesses to clear, meaning they have less incentive to find ways of boosting productivity.  Another significant factor in explaining the productivity shortfall, I believe, comes from our relatively homogenous population mix, not just in terms of race, but also cultural and occupational backgrounds.  Revolutionary innovations come not from an incestuous in-breeding of rehashed ideas, but from a dynamic environment of challenging accepted wisdoms and a cross-pollination of ideas.  For in economics, just as in nature, it is from competition and diversity that we breed strength, and Singapore needs a lot more of both.  Adapting to change is never easy, as many of us can attest to, but if we are to have any hope of extending the economic miracle of the generations past for the generations to come, then change we must.  Happy National Day, Singapore.
Charles Tan works an investment analyst at Cantor Fitzgerald, and is currently based in London.

Global weakness and local restructuring mean more economic speed-bumps ahead

By The Independent Singapore

economywatchThe flash estimate of 3.7% real GDP growth for Singapore’s economy in Q2 2013 was greeted with relief, after a first quarter growth rate that was almost zero. The seasonally adjusted quarter-on-quarter growth rate of 15.2% also suggests that the economy is building up momentum – especially when compared with the equivalent figure of 1.8% in the first quarter.

But it is too early to pop the champagne.  The final figure could still be adjusted downwards when the Q2 Economic Survey is released on Monday 12 August, in light of weak export and production data. Industrial production contracted by 5.9 per cent in June – and by 0.5 per cent if the biomedical sector is excluded. Non-oil domestic exports fell 8.8 per cent in June.

 More importantly, the economy faces headwinds as it moves through the second half of the year – mostly stemming from lackluster global conditions that will weigh on the manufacturing sector and perhaps other sectors as well.

While all signs point to a genuine pace of recovery in the US economy, US GDP growth came in at only 1.4% in Q2 and US unemployment remains stuck at 7.6% – not enough to compensate for the global effect of a slowing China, a still-contracting Eurozone and a still-not-yet resurgent Japan.

The global outlook for the rest of 2013 is far from encouraging. China is likely to continue to slow down, with economic growth hovering above 7 per cent, which is a slow-down by Chinese standards. Europe is still deeply mired in structural problems, with the North-South divide remaining as stubborn as ever. And while the US housing market recovery is real, a comprehensive deal between the President and Congress on the budget deficit – which might unlock more growth – remains elusive.

In Singapore, the medium-to-long term outlook reveals a cup that is either half full or half empty, depending on your perspective. Productivity growth remains in the doldrums, meaning that economic restructuring to wean the country off low-cost foreign labor probably has a long way to run. A weak global outlook and some internal weaknesses mean that manufacturing will remain constrained. The US Fed’s shift away from monetary easing may also cool parts of the financial services sector.

But there are glimmers of light amidst the dark clouds. Healthy Southeast Asian economies and decent fundamentals mean that tourism will continue to perform well, provided the haze is kept at bay. And the construction sector is still benefitting from the uptick in government-led construction projects relating to infrastructure and HDB flat building – it grew by a healthy 5.6 per cent in the second quarter.

Another piece of good news is that inflation in Singapore remains under control. Headline inflation hit 1.8 per cent in June, up from May’s 1.6 per cent but still well below the five per cent level that had been seen in the recent past. MAS core inflation (which removes accommodation and vehicle-related inflation) came in at 1.7 per cent, almost equivalent to headline inflation. This suggests that policy measures to cool the housing and vehicle markets are working. But these are still leaving core inflation at a level close to two per cent – which, while not high compared to past norms, will still take a bite out of real earnings for Singapore workers.

For the remainder of 2013, the downsides seem to outweigh the upsides, as global weakness combines with economic restructuring to inflict some pain on the economy. Beyond 2013 it will be a different game – that of raising the bar on Singapore’s fundamental competitive strengths in exportable services and high-end manufacturing.

Free speech is only as strong as your weakest link

By Kumaran Pillai
Managing Editor
weakest-linkFirstly, my sincere thanks to MDA and folks for announcing our arrival.  And I thought that it would be apt to start the inaugural issue about the threats to free speech on the Internet in Singapore.
The Internet has played a pivotal role in somewhat democratizing the media landscape in Singapore. It opens up new avenues for innovative companies to exploit the market for the pent up demand for alternative news sites. However, the only thing that seems to be standing in the way is government regulation. Or, so it seems.
Orchid Revolution
The key question in our mind is is regulation necessary and what would the government achieve out of this?
Our society is going through a swift transformation and according to The Independent’s editor, PN Balji, it is “the orchid revolution,” a more subtle quite change that is taking place in our country.
“Because the government has played a critical role, a womb-to-tomb role in people’s lives, now there’s a boomerang effect. They blame the government for everything that goes wrong in Singapore,” said Balji.
Given the new political climate, it appears that the government is trying to take back control by controlling the media, or more appropriately, the Internet.
Government Control
However, when it comes to regulating the Internet, Singapore is not alone. Countries like Russia, China, Vietnam and Middle Eastern countries are proposing some form of regulation that would rein in online publications.
Jordan has recently shut down 200 online publications which are critical of the government and it is only ranked 134th by Reporters without Borders while Singapore is ranked 149th without having to shut down any site. It speaks volumes about how efficient and effective our MDA is.
But that is not the only troubling fact. There are bigger threats to our freedom on the Internet and it has nothing to do with the Singapore government.
In 2012, the United Nations’ International Telecommunication Union proposed to bring the Internet, currently overseen by private sector and engineering groups, under governmental and UN control.  The bill was opposed by the US, Canada and European nations. However, there is still concern that this bill may be passed at some stage in the future.
Internet is overseen by for-profit companies
One needs to bear in mind that the Internet is nothing more than computers interconnected with each other through optic fiber cables, wireless and 3G networks that are controlled primarily by telecommunications companies. These companies may decide at some time in the future to charge toll for international traffic which is provided free of charge today.
What this means is that blogs that are running on the basis that the Internet is free may face extinction due to the additional costs that are imposed on them.
There are also new technologies that are being developed that may replace Open Systems Interconnect (OSI) which powers the Internet today. Again, this may affect the future of Internet and the underlying cost structures.
This is one of the primary reasons for me to move to a commercial entity so that I can mitigate these risks. For, free speech as we know it is only as strong as the weakest link.
Regulation has a downside
Regulation needs to be taken in the proper context. While I am no cyber utopian and while I do think that some form of Internet code of conduct is necessary. I prefer it to be something that originates from the Internet community rather than a government sanctioned one.
In an already highly regulated media industry like Singapore’s, additional forms of regulation do little for the development of the industry. In fact, it only stifles innovation.
I have already jumped through several hoops to set this up. And it is quite likely the authorities will put up more hurdles to make this journey even more exciting for me and the rest of the team and I suppose, we’ll just have to take it in our stride.
With that note, I take this opportunity to wish all my readers a Happy National Day!

The bald truth of education

By Alfred Dodwell

What does a shaved head mean to you?  Prisoners have to have their heads shaven. In Singapore, the first steps into national service are usually accompanied by having the hair cropped off. Some religions practise it as a ritual or as part of fulfilling a sacred vow. In the early days of Singapore, we had a campaign, ‘Men with long hair will be served last’. Needless to say, a bald head was the preferred choice.

Who knew then we would be splitting hairs over shaven heads? There has been a right royal rumpus over a broken promise, a breach of school rules and five bald schoolgirls who had their heads shaved for a worthy cause. The heated debate has thrown up an array of questions that can be summed up as whither Singapore, whither education?

It all began with the Hair for Hope event organized by the Cancer Foundation of Singapore over 27-28 July at Vivocity. The event itself was a booming success, with long queues of people waiting to have their heads shaved, and the commendable services of  the Jean Yip group which, as the official stylist sponsor, had its many hairdressers giving of their time, effort and energy to help each and every one make a bald statement to the world.

 There were also many individual and group sponsors seeking to raise $6 million for a worthy cause. After all, one would not wish cancer upon one’s worst enemy, let alone a child. Imagine the ordeals of a child suffering from cancer, including losing hair from chemotherapy. It’s traumatic. So, the CCF’s noble purpose as outlined in their webpage: “The only head-shaving event in Singapore that serves to raise funds and awareness of childhood cancer. Every shaven head in Hair for Hope represents the understanding by an individual of the ordeals that a child with cancer is subjected to. By volunteering to shave, shavees become CCF ambassadors in helping to raise awareness of childhood cancer among their family and friends. It also provides an opportunity to garner support from the public in the form of donations. Hair for Hope is in its 11th year running this 2013.”

Regrettably, this event made the news over a promise made by five students to the principal of St Margaret Secondary School, Mrs Marion Tan, to don wigs after they shaved their heads. Needless to say, they did not keep to their promise. The principal was displeased. It made the news and became one of the most talked- about issues online and offline. It raised a lot of valid questions and people spoke up both for and against Mrs Tan.

The five girls and Mrs Tan have now resolved their difference and all is peaceful now in St Margaret Secondary. Even as the dust settles, and valuable lessons learnt, what other lesson can one take away from this?

Today, on National Day, we salute the nation, but is ours a nation where rigid and somewhat blind adherence to laws, rules and regulations is taking precedence over understanding that we live in an ever-changing world and sometimes we need to be flexible to enable our people to express themselves? We reside in a country where OB markers control many forms of expression and news is sanitized to a point where it is oftentimes deemed to be tasteless.

Can’t Singaporeans be free to express themselves in ways such as shaving their heads? Must there be restraints on that too? Is a teenager with a shaven head or coloured hair a bad influence on the rest of the school?

Perhaps it is time for the education ministry to re-look at the importance of uniforms and allow schoolchildren some level of self-expression in terms of the way they dress and choose to wear their hair. It is not unknown that many polytechnic students, given the first foray into freedom of expression, usually do take huge liberties with their dress sense and hair sense, and this oftentimes does not curtail their academic performance.

So, what is the purpose of these rules and regulations that Mrs Tan so dearly was holding onto, insisting the girls suffer the discomfort, heat and needless to say ridicule of their fellow students as they parade around school in their wigs?  Somewhere rote education seems to have won the day and creative education appears to have taken a backseat.

Today, we live in an increasingly changing world. Innovation and creativity has won over dull and boring. Even Singapore has desperately tried to become a fun place with integrated resorts and entertainment. So, is it not high time to re-look at the true sense of education and train our children to make smart choices on every aspect of their life – from their dress sense and their overall portrayal of themselves to the world. It speaks volumes of the Singapore we live in that heads shaven for a worthy cause can raise the ire of the lead educator in what is a top-notch school. Does she honestly believe that her role is purely to create automatons that look alike, dress alike and does this magically make them all alike as they transform into adults? The sad reality of education in Singapore is that individual autonomy and hence individual creativity has become stifled from the outset of school life.

St Margaret’s school mission itself states that it seeks to impart “an all-round education” and values continuous learning. Are the actions of Mrs Tan in keeping with an all-round education? Is there really room for one to learn continuously? Mrs Tan started off from a point of rigid adherence, but once the folly of her position was pointed out, she was prepared to reflect and change her stance. The girls have also to learn that Mrs Tan did extract a promise from them and they should have stood their ground then in explaining to the principal why her request was impossible to fulfil.

Mrs Tan has every right to feel let down as it is, after all, a broken promise and hence defiance. We cannot encourage our children to take liberties with laws, rules and regulations, and they must be taught that a promise made must be a promise upheld. After all, what we fail to acknowledge is that the principal was not stopping them from shaving their heads, but in a misplaced attempt to balance the personal choice of the girls and her greater role as principal and not to allow this to become an infectious copycat act, she placed discipline over the bald statement that this particular act of baldness was meant to convey.

However, this incident has clearly been a valuable lesson for us all. This has truly been a learning experience for everyone including the many who have been posting online about it, the newspaper reporters and even Minister for Education Heng Swee Keat. He said on Facebook that he was pleased that the five students and the principal had been able to resolve this impasse after they shared their perspectives. The principal clearly learnt that she must learn to exercise flexibility in place of showing blind adherence to rules and regulations. The girls, one hopes, learnt that a promise broken can understandably raise the ire of anyone.

As for the many others who had their heads shaved at Vivocity, some came with friends and they encouraged one another to do so for a good cause. This is a lesson in solidarity. Some came alone, stood alone, weaved through the long lines alone, resolved to carry out their act of shaving their heads to show their firm commitment to understanding the ordeals of cancer patients, especially the children, and they were prepared to go it alone. Oftentimes, it is hard to stick to a commitment alone when it is so easy to follow the crowd, to mock, ridicule and toe the line.

This incident, one would hope, would open the eyes of the many educators in schools and various institutions in Singapore. They should spend some time reflecting on the wisdom in the words of Minister Heng, who said: “This, then, is the real heart of education, that everyone appreciates there is a learning moment in every situation, in every decision we make, in every promise we pledge. Our Principals and teachers have a huge responsibility to help shape our students’ characters. Of course, parents play a most important role, so I ask parents to work together with our educators to give our children the best experiences and lessons to become outstanding young people of character. Because ultimately that is what is really at stake.”

So, what can we learn from this? We all make mistakes, we all break promises, and dialogue, reason, understanding and wisdom should win the day. Educators should not be so rote in meting out education and the youth should learn that they should seek to educate the educators about their perceptions and reasons for things. Perhaps it is high time to consider that uniforms could be on the way out, strict adherence to such rigidity is not doing the country any good. Perhaps it is time to go back to the heart of education and acknowledge that there are many ways to get a good education and the path should not be hard and fixed with all kinds of rigid rules and regulations.

Finally, a simple suggestion to break the mould of rigidity. Maybe the principal of St. Margaret’s secondary school should kick off the Hair for Hope 2014 by being the first in line to have her head shaved. This would truly reflect a lesson learnt and the process of continuing education, which is of course what is needed. That is the bald truth of education.

Singapore’s 5 political and non-political myths

By Tan Bah Bah

1.     Lee Kuan Yew was the architect of post-colonial  Singapore
Not quite. Lee Kuan Yew led a remarkable team of people who overcame great odds to transform  a struggling post-war colonial outpost and entrepot port into a major metropolis.  He played a dominant role in forging a common destiny for once disparate groups of people.

But the real architect behind the island’s spectacular economic success and many other iconic institutions was his No 2 Dr Goh Keng Swee.  Among the contributions:  Jurong industrial estate (and its lake gardens),  Economic Development Board of Singapore, Development Bank of Singapore, Monetary Authority of Singapore, Singapore Armed Forces and Singapore  Symphony Orchestra. Much of the Republic’s education system still owed much to the recommendations of the 1979 Goh Report.

2.      Raffles built up Singapore into a major port and trading city
Yes, Stamford Raffles founded Singapore. As lieutenant-governor of Java, Raffles was worried about the expansionist ambitions of the Dutch. He sought permission from the East India Company (EIC) to set up a post south of Malaya to counter the Dutch moves.  He landed in Singapore, liked what he saw and later signed a treaty with the local rulers. Date: 6 February 1819.

He did not spend much time in Singapore, however. He visited the island only three times and stayed for nine months. The person who did the real work of building up of the administrative and physical infrastructures was the Resident, William Farquhar.
Farquhar stayed for four years trying to make the colony work.  He had little financial support from the EIC and Raffles himself.  But  his efforts , which were backed by the grateful settlers, brought results which unfortunately were credited by some to an undeserving Raffles.

3.    Is there genuine racial harmony here?
Measured by the absence of outright strife, Singapore does have a kind of enforced harmony. By consensus,  outwardly, everyone is politically correct on the race issue – the government, the private sector, the communities.
But beneath the surface, there are the occasional outbursts of racism, and the usual undercurrents of frustrations. Indian Singaporeans find it hard to get jobs in Chinese-dominated companies. PRC workers should not be allowed to work here if they can’t speak English.  Why are there no Malays in the top SAF ranks?  Inter-racial harmony exists but harmony? Frankly, no.

4.     Singapore is a nation
Here, the jury is still very much out.  Singapore is a sovereign and independent state.  As a country forged through battling adversity or a determination to be different from others or make a mark or have all its citizens equally committed to its success, Singapore is a work in progress.  For the time being, we seem content to see it as just a great place to earn a living and raise one’s family.

5.     Swiss standard of living
Singaporeans were promised a Swiss standard of living by 1999.  By GDP performance, the island has surpassed Switzerland. But by a host of other determinants, it is behind. By Gini cofficient, it trails the Swiss. By the happiness index, it is miserable.

Five  Non-Political Myths

1.      Singapore does not have natural resources
No  gold, oil, diamonds, plutonium, vast tracts of fertile agricultural land.  But the island does have a precious resource  – its navigable harbour.  It is not just another harbour but one that is strategically located.
The location was what attracted the East India Company in the first place. The Singapore Strait was the main sea channel between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.  Singapore quickly became, after its founding in 1819, the hub for exports/re-exports to the region and other parts of Asia.

2. Singapore was an impregnable fortress
In the lead-up  to the Japanese Invasion in World War II,  Singapore was built up by Whitehall as an impregnable bastion of British military might.  With big guns placed to face an invasion from the southern seafront, it looked that way.  The British just did not expect the Japanese to come from the north, on land through Johor.  Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival surrendered to General  Yamashita Tomoyuki  on 15 February 1942.

3 .    Singapore’s public housing scheme began with HDB
 No, the housing programme was started by the Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT), predecessor of the Housing and Development Board.   The SIT was formed as far back as 1927 and undertook a number of housing projects, including for the poor, till its dissolution in 1959 when the HDB was formed.

4.     The Road To Singapore was filmed in Singapore
The name Singapore was immortalised into Tinseltown folklore by this 1940 Paramount film which starred Big Crosby, Bob Hope and Dorothy Lamour.  But one could not imagine America filmmakers risking their lives travelling to Singapore when World War II was already in full swing. Most of the action took place in Paramount studio in Hollywood.

5.    Singapore never had a world champion in a major internationally  recognised sport before the table tennis imports
We had. Badminton champion Wong Peng Soon won the All-England singles title in 1950, 1951, 1952 and 1955. The All-England was the de facto world badminton championships at that time.

Tan Bah Bah is a retired journalist. He was a senior leader writer/columnist with The Straits Times and managing editor of a local magazine company.
 
 

Media in Singapore

mediainSingaporeFor media watchers in Singapore, this is bonus time. In the space of just a year, two definitive books have emerged to tell the Singapore media story from two very different angles.
And this in a country which hardly scrutinises its media, both from an academic and a practitioner’s perspective.
The media here watches everybody, but nobody, except the government’s large monitoring unit, really watches the media.
The books by former editor in chief of the English/Malay Newspapers Division of the Singapore Press Holdings Cheong Yip Seng and Nanyang Technological University’s Associate Professor Cherian George have brought a refreshing twist to that truism.
It is Cheong’s book, OB Markers: My Straits Times Story, that goes against the grain. It is not fashionable for Singapore editors to tell all; instead, they prefer to take stories to their graves. But Cheong, who was a journalist for 43 years, 19 of them as editor in chief, is the exception.
Told by a journalist who grew up writing racy stories as a crime reporter, his book relates in vivid detail how the government intervened in appointing editors, shaping news coverage and restructuring the media landscape to maintain the ruling party’s grip on power.
Sometimes, the orders were downright gangster-like. Cheong the editor reflects on the example of how Cheong the reporter was told by Lee Kuan Yew that “I will break your neck if you report what I had just said”.
Sometimes, they were given matter-of-factly. Like when Cheong was told during a plane journey back home after an assignment covering then Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong’s visit to Myanmar in 1987: We want you to take over as editor in chief.
Cheong was then the editor of The Straits Times.
But what should make this book a favourite of media watchers are the heroic battles fought behind the scenes by the editors of ST to resist government pressure. One such incident was Lee Kuan Yew’s attempt to get the paper to publish the full O-level results of Opposition politician Chiam See Tong at the height of the hustings in 1984.
The intention was to show that Chiam, because of his not-so-good academic performance, was not the right choice for MP.
George’s book, Freedom From The Press: Journalism and State Power in Singapore, is grounded in sound research and a writing style that is more that of a journalist than an academic.
The beauty of this book is the rational way in which it approaches government-media dynamics.
These relations have always been seen in a very black-and-white way by those who have studied Singapore’s media history. But George digs into the grey areas and brings out a new perspective.
“Calibrated coercion is an important feature of Singapore’s approach to managing the media.
Draconian powers remain in the statute books. Yet, the government has often left these on the shelf and reached for less visible tools to prod the media this way and that.
“Over the decades, there has been a shift away from flamboyant punishments such as imprisoning journalists and banning publications to behind-the-scenes cohtrols that create the conditions for self-censorship.”
George devotes one whole chapter to this sophisticated management of media which sets apart this authoritarian government from many others. “…Lee Kuan Yew recognised that he could only use newspapers effectively if he alllowed them to retain some credibility, which would be crushed if his grip was too tight.”
I have seen this kind of management at work when I was an editor. An inordinate amount of time is spent by political leaders to convince the journalists why the government’s way is the right way.
Sitting in a cosy dining room with the Prime Minister within touching distance can have an overpowering effect, especially on the up-and-coming journalists.
Everything is said with a straight face, there are no direct orders, you are allowed to put up counter points but in the end there is no doubt whose views prevail.
As George hints, this kind of approach breeds self-censorship, and as a couple of examples of recent times have shown, will only lead to media losing its grip on a reading public who now have mutltiple sources to get their news from.
Both took place during the 2006 general elections. The Straits Times had an aerial-view photograph of huge crowds at the Workers’ Party rally but did not publish it before polling day for fear of a government reprisal. But some members of the public had similar pictures and they went viral in no time.
At a ruling party rally, the Prime Minister got so carried away in warning voters of the danger of having too many opposition politicians in Parliament that he said: “Instead of spending my time thinking what is the right policy for Singapore, I’m going to spend all my time thinking what’s the right way to fix them…”
The next day’s ST published this part in reported speech but substituted the word “fix” with “counter”.
But the person who made that change never realised how times have changed with the online media on a frenzied spree critical of the PM for using the word “fix” and of ST for trying to protect him by editing his quote.
To make matters worse, PM apologised in the next day’s paper and put ST in a major fix over its self-censorship.
The media in Singapore has prospered as a business under the government’s careful protection and nurturing and in the process has created a group of journalists who are likely to second guess the authorities.
And the biggest loser will be the government because as eyeballs move away from mainstream media, the leaders will find that they have no other pervasive platform to get its views across.
The big question then is whether the powers-that-be are prepared to cut the umbilical cord and pave the way towards a media system that is directed by autonomous professional journalistic judgement.
George answers his own question this way: “…such a prescription seems to be too much of a mental leap for those in power.”
That would be the view of most media watchers.
 

Shareholders agreement makes it clear about funding

THE INDEPENDENT – SINGAPORE

Management Team @ theindependent.sg
Management Team @ theindependent.sg

  1. We refer to the statement from the Media Development Authority issued on 29 July 2013 regarding The Independent, which operates theindependent.sg
  2. The Independent is a new Singaporean media brand that aims to provide responsible, intelligent & robust journalism to the Singapore public.
  3. The Board and core team behind The Independent consists of Singaporeans. There is no foreigner in this team, nor has there ever been. The identities of The Independent’s core team have been posted on its website since June 2013.
  4. The founding shareholder’s agreement for The Independent, dated19 April 2013 states very clearly that the shareholders to this enterprise is restricted to Singapore Citizens/Permanent Residents or Singapore Registered Businesses/ Companies/ Societies, that is, The Independent expressly  prohibits the acceptance of foreign funding and has taken cognizance of the relevant provisions of Section 43 of the Broadcasting Act (Cap. 28). The said relevant clause in the said agreement was voluntarily agreed to by the founding team of The Independent prior to any discussion on registration and commencement of the venture.
  5. The core team of The Independent includes two former journalists with Singapore’s mainstream media institutions – Mr PN Balji, the former CEO and Editor of Today newspaper, and Mr Edmund Wee, a former Straits Times journalist and editor.
  6. We would like to highlight that the posture of The Independent is and has always been to be a purely Singaporean-funded media operation which does not accept foreign funds, was formulated and documented 19 April 2013, that is at an early stage of the venture’s formation.
  7. We are pleased to register under Section 9 of the Broadcasting Act (Cap. 28) and to comply with all laws, rules, regulations and code of practice in place to regulate broadcasting in Singapore.
  8. The Independent has not and will not ever come under the influence of, foreign entities or funding.

Issued by: The Management of The Independent, Singapore

Gayhood in Singapore

Credit: WTF Fashion Singapore Blog
Credit: WTF Fashion Singapore Blog

After playing hide-and-seek for many years, the gay community is finally coming out of the closet; and what a confident and proud group we are seeing as they are declare their sexuality openly and unabashedly.
The most recent pink declaration came from Opposition politician Vincent Wijeysingha when he said on his Facebook: “…Yes, I am gay”
He revealed this on the eve of Pink Dot, an annual event to celebrate homosexuality. This year it saw a spill-out turnout of 21,000 people, nine times more more than when it was first held in 2009.
Another signifcant development was the kind of sponsors this year’s event drew — J P Morgan, Barclays, Google and Park Royal Hotel.
The gathering at the Speakers’ Corner saw even straight people turning up in droves to show their support.
Nominated MP Janice Koh was there with her children. She says in a newspaper column: “As a parent, this is an opportunity for my children to learn the importance of treating everyone equally and with respect, no matter their race, language, religious background or sexual orientation.”
The surprising but silent partner in this coming-out party is the government which is well known for its hard conservative stand and has not openly accepted gayhood as a form of lifestyle in Singapore.
Two factors have played a major part in this turnaround: Economics and politics.
It was the chase for the pink dollar that saw the government declaring way back in 2003 that it would accept gays in the civil service, even in sensitive positions.
The quote that caught many by surprise was this extract from the interview he gave to Time magazine:
“We are born this way and they are born that way, but they are like you and me.”
Why make such an important political point to a foreign magazine?
This is where economics comes into the calculation. It was the time when the recruitment of foreign talent was
being pushed strongly and the government wanted to send the word out to the world that Singapore was was shedding its image of a staid, prim and proper city state to one that is fun and funky.
Even founding father Lee Kuan Yew, the man who jealously guards the nation’s conservative values, was sympathetic.
He said three years before Goh’s interview — again to an American journalist: ” Once we conclude that homosexuality is also a
DNA problem, then you have got to approach the punishment in a different way. And if you have consenting adults, God bless both of them.”
From a political perspective, the change in government attitude reflects the new Singapore reality. The gay community and those who support their cause are generally anti-establishment and as the support for the ruling party at the elections continues to erode, this is a pressure group the establishment cannot afford to ignore.
Since the two leaders’ comments, Singapore has become more relaxed allowing gay clubs to open and plays and films with outspoken themes to be performed and shown.
Benjamin Low, 35, is enjoying this openess. He said: “Growing up in a country was tough.
“I was lucky. I had very understanding parents. But it was my overseas education that opened my eyes to the reality that there was nothing to be ashamed about being gay.”
The Benjamins of Singapore are still waiting for the day when the law that criminalises sex between two men, Section 377A, will taken off the statue books.
There was an attempt to do this in Parliament in 2007 but the conservative majority voted against it with most MPs thumping their chairs to show their support.
Six years later, the gay law is still very contentious with both sides of the divide, especially the Christian groups, pushing back the gay groups.
The debate spilled into the open once again when two gay men decided to test the constitutionality of Section 377A by taking it to the High Court.
It was thrown out but now the duo are appealing and have asked for permission to hire prominent Queen’s Counsel Lord Peter Goldsmith to argue their case.
This testing of the boundaries, with the conservative ground pushing and the gay groups shoving, will continue as the government walks a thin line of new realities.
In the meantime, people like Benjamin are basking in their new-found freedom, a freedom they never thought they would experience in their lifetime.